http://www.tommboya.org/
Who was Tom Mboya?
Tom Mboya was one of the most prominent personalities in Kenyan history. He was born Thomas Joseph Mboya on 15th August 1930 and was assassinated at the tender age of 39 on 5th July 1969. It is widely believed that his profile and illustrious career as a brilliant and charismatic leader, which was seen as a challenge to the then political establishment, led to his assassination.
As a renowned trade unionist, politician and statesman, Tom Mboya joined active politics in 1957 when he successfully contested and won a seat in the Legislative Council, and later in 1958 when he founded the Nairobi People’s Congress Party. He was later instrumental in forming the Kenya African National Union (KANU) that formed the government upon independence, and became its first Secretary General. At the time of his assassination, he held the Cabinet portfolio of Minister of Economic Planning and Development.
Statue Unveiling
Biography
Category: About
Tom Mboya, started school in 1939 at the Kabaa Catholic Mission School in what was then the Ukamba District of Kenya. In 1942 he joined a Catholic Secondary School in Yala, in Nyanza province. In 1946 he went to the Holy Ghost College, Mangu, where he passed well enough to proceed to do his Cambridge School Certificate. In 1948, Mboya joined the Royal Sanitary Institute's Medical Training School for Sanitary Inspectors at Nairobi , qualifying as an inspector in 1950.
Tom Mboya's trade union activities started when he joined the Nairobi City Council in 1951. By 1952, he had been elected President of the African Staff Association, where he developed the association into a trade union. In 1953, Mboya ran into trouble with his employers, who were concerned about his trade union activities and was given notice of dismissal, which subsequently led him to give the City Council his notice of resignation. However, before his notice had expired, the authorities sacked him.
By this time he had helped found and register the Kenya Local Government Worker's Union , serving as its Treasurer. Later the Union became affiliated with the Kenya Federation of Labour, and in October 1953, he was elected General Secretary of the Federation, which was a full time trade union post (Mboya, 1959). While working as a trade union official, Tom Mboya enrolled for a Matriculation Exemption Certificate with the Efficiency Correspondence College of South Africa, majoring in Economics, which was aimed at improving his education (ibid, 1959). In 1955 he went to Ruskin College , Oxford to pursue further studies, returning to Kenya in 1956.
Tom Mboya joined active politics in 1957, when he successfully contested and won a seat in the then colonial Legislative Council and later in 1958, founded the Nairobi People's Congress Party, which became one of the strongest parties in Kenya in the late 1950's. He was able to use his trade union links across the country to rally supporters to join the party.
In 1958, during the All-Africa Peoples Conference, convened by Kwame Nkurumah of Ghana , Mboya was elected the Conference Chairman at the early age of 28. While in Ghana he gained greater insights into nationalist and anti colonial organisational struggles that was to prove a vital asset in his struggle for his own country's independence. He was later instrumental in forming the Kenya African National Union (KANU), becoming its first Secretary General when it was founded in 1960.
When Kenya attained self-government rule on June 1st 1963, Tom Mboya became the Minister of Justice and Constitutional Affairs, a position he was able to utilise in shaping a future independent Kenya. In December 1964, Kenya became a Republic, with Mboya being appointed the Minister of Economic Planning and Development. He was later instrumental in putting together the famous Sessional Paper No.10: "African Socialism and its Application to Planning in Kenya ", which continued to be the 'guiding philosophy of the KANU government decades after Mboya' (Gimode, 1996).
Tom Mboya was gunned down outside a pharmacy on a Nairobi street on 5th July 1969, which to many observers was seen to be the result of ethnic tensions (between the predominant Gikuyu and Luo tribes) that had gripped the nation and become a common phenomenon in post independent Kenya. He was a rising star in the Kenyan political landscape and his contribution to the independence struggle and post independent era was remarkable for a man who truly had a passion for nationalism and development.
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◦ Detailed Chronology of Political and Trade Union career
◦ Who was Tom Mboya?
http://www.tommboya.org/index.php/chronology-2
Detailed Chronology of Political and Trade Union career
Category: About
Minister for Economic Planning and Development aged 36 years.
He entered public life in 1951 by joining the Nairobi African City Council Staff Association, and met Mzee Jomo Kenyatta several times at the K. A. U. headquarters in the ensuing months.
In early 1953 during the initial days of the state of emergency he became acting treasurer of the K.A.U and organized finance for the legal defence of Mzee Kenyatta and others detained in Kapenguria. He founded the Kenya Local Government workers Union, and after resigning from the city council he was appointed National General Secretary in 1963.
He then joined the Kenya Federation of Registered Trade Unions (a fore runner to the Kenya Federation of Labour). When his KLGCU became an affiliate member the same year, he was soon elected Secretary General.
Soon after this the K. A. U was banned and he concentrated all his efforts to develop the trade union movement under difficult emergency conditions. No meetings were allowed and trade union members were victimized. The KFL became the only voice of the Kenya people filling the vacuum left by the banning of KAU. Thus it was became a political as well as a trade union organization.
Between late 1953 and 56, Mboya visited Europe several times to educate external opinion on the case of the African people. To this end he petitioned the Colonial office and the British TUC. Members of the House of Commons, the I.L.O, and the I.C.F.T.U, and invited British Mp’s to visit Kenya. He also visited India and spent a year at Ruskin College, Oxford studying industrial relations and economics (1955/56).
He addressed several meetings during his stay in Britain and on the continent, and published the first African written exposition of the Kenya situation under the state of emergency under the title ‘The Kenya Question – an African Answer’. He also established worldwide contacts through trade unions and other bodies in many countries laying foundations for the independence struggle.
He addressed many meetings in the United States and Canada in 1956 before returning to Kenya in the days of the state of emergency. He intervened (throught the KFL) with the Government regarding the condition of detainees and secured a revision of the screening process. In 1957 Mboya was first elected to Parliament as a member for Nairobi area and became secretary of the African Elected Members Organisation which declared the ‘Lyttelton Plan’ null and void and began the constitutional struggle for Uhuru. He also became chairman of the East and Central Africa Coordinating Committee of Trade Unions in the same year.
In 1958 Mboya together with friends launched a movement for Education Overseas and organized the first Student airlift to the United states. While in America in 1958 he raised (on televison) the issue of Mzee Kenyatta’s release and presented the case for Uhuru in a book, ‘Kenya faces the future’. He also visited Ghana to attend the first anniversary conference in March 1958.
Back in Kenya through a speech at Makadara Hall and through publication of the N.P.C.P newspaper he sought to discipline political awakening and support the release Kenyatta campaign.
During the same year he discussed such matters with Lennox-Boyd and presented in London papers relating to the ‘Macharia Confession’ of perjury in Kapenguria. At this time also. PAFMECA was formed after he traveled to meet Mwalimu Nyerere in Mwanza. In December 1958, he flew back to Ghana and was elected chairman of the first ‘All African Peoples Conference’ ever to be held on the continent of Africa. Mboya again traveled to America in 1959 where he secured 200 University scholarships and arranged the largest student airlift in history to date.
For this and his earlier political work as well as his trade union organisation, he was awarded an Honorary Doctrate in law by Howard University. He also became a member of the I.C.F.T.U executive board and declared in Legislative Council (before the year ended) that there was no point in ending the emergency in Kenya unless Mzee Kenyatta was released.
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http://www.tommboya.org/index.php/biography-2
Biography
Category: About
Tom Mboya, started school in 1939 at the Kabaa Catholic Mission School in what was then the Ukamba District of Kenya. In 1942 he joined a Catholic Secondary School in Yala, in Nyanza province. In 1946 he went to the Holy Ghost College, Mangu, where he passed well enough to proceed to do his Cambridge School Certificate. In 1948, Mboya joined the Royal Sanitary Institute's Medical Training School for Sanitary Inspectors at Nairobi , qualifying as an inspector in 1950.
Tom Mboya's trade union activities started when he joined the Nairobi City Council in 1951. By 1952, he had been elected President of the African Staff Association, where he developed the association into a trade union. In 1953, Mboya ran into trouble with his employers, who were concerned about his trade union activities and was given notice of dismissal, which subsequently led him to give the City Council his notice of resignation. However, before his notice had expired, the authorities sacked him.
By this time he had helped found and register the Kenya Local Government Worker's Union , serving as its Treasurer. Later the Union became affiliated with the Kenya Federation of Labour, and in October 1953, he was elected General Secretary of the Federation, which was a full time trade union post (Mboya, 1959). While working as a trade union official, Tom Mboya enrolled for a Matriculation Exemption Certificate with the Efficiency Correspondence College of South Africa, majoring in Economics, which was aimed at improving his education (ibid, 1959). In 1955 he went to Ruskin College , Oxford to pursue further studies, returning to Kenya in 1956.
Tom Mboya joined active politics in 1957, when he successfully contested and won a seat in the then colonial Legislative Council and later in 1958, founded the Nairobi People's Congress Party, which became one of the strongest parties in Kenya in the late 1950's. He was able to use his trade union links across the country to rally supporters to join the party.
In 1958, during the All-Africa Peoples Conference, convened by Kwame Nkurumah of Ghana , Mboya was elected the Conference Chairman at the early age of 28. While in Ghana he gained greater insights into nationalist and anti colonial organisational struggles that was to prove a vital asset in his struggle for his own country's independence. He was later instrumental in forming the Kenya African National Union (KANU), becoming its first Secretary General when it was founded in 1960.
When Kenya attained self-government rule on June 1st 1963, Tom Mboya became the Minister of Justice and Constitutional Affairs, a position he was able to utilise in shaping a future independent Kenya. In December 1964, Kenya became a Republic, with Mboya being appointed the Minister of Economic Planning and Development. He was later instrumental in putting together the famous Sessional Paper No.10: "African Socialism and its Application to Planning in Kenya ", which continued to be the 'guiding philosophy of the KANU government decades after Mboya' (Gimode, 1996).
Tom Mboya was gunned down outside a pharmacy on a Nairobi street on 5th July 1969, which to many observers was seen to be the result of ethnic tensions (between the predominant Gikuyu and Luo tribes) that had gripped the nation and become a common phenomenon in post independent Kenya. He was a rising star in the Kenyan political landscape and his contribution to the independence struggle and post independent era was remarkable for a man who truly had a passion for nationalism and development.
http://www.tommboya.org/index.php/about/24-about
Who was Tom Mboya?
Category: About
As a renowned trade unionist, politician and statesman, Tom Mboya joined active politics in 1957 when he successfully contested and won a seat in the Legislative Council, and later in 1958 when he founded the Nairobi People’s Congress Party. He was later instrumental in forming the Kenya African National Union (KANU) that formed the government upon independence, and became its first Secretary General. At the time of his assassination, he held the Cabinet portfolio of Minister of Economic Planning and Development.
Copyright© 2014 Tom Mboya Foundation. design by Richard Ruoro
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Tom Mboya
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tom_Mboya
Thomas Joseph Odhiambo "Tom" Mboya (15 August 1930 – 5 July 1969) was a Kenyan politician during Jomo Kenyatta's government. He was founder of the Nairobi People's Congress Party, a key figure in the formation of the Kenya African National Union (KANU), and the Minister of Economic Planning and Development at the time of his death. Mboya was assassinated on 5 July 1969 in Nairobi.
Biography
Thomas Odhiambo Mboya was born on 15 August 1930 in Kilima Mbogo, near Thika town in what was called the White Highlands of Kenya.[1][2]
Education
Mboya was educated at various Catholic mission schools. In 1942, he joined a Catholic Secondary School in Yala, in Nyanza province, St. Mary's School Yala. In 1946, he went to the Holy Ghost College (later Mang'u High School), where he passed well enough to proceed to do his Cambridge School Certificate. In 1948, Mboya joined the Royal Sanitary Institute's Medical Training School for Sanitary Inspectors at Nairobi, qualifying as an inspector in 1950. In 1955 he received a scholarship from Britain's Trades Union Congress to attend Ruskin College, Oxford, where he studied industrial management. Upon his graduation in 1956, he returned to Kenya and joined politics at a time when the British government was gaining control over the Kenya Land Freedom Army Mau Mau uprising.
Political life
Mboya's political life started immediately after he was employed at Nairobi City Council as a sanitary inspector in 1950. A year after joining African Staff Association, he was elected its president and immediately embarked at molding the association into a trade union named the Kenya Local Government Workers' Union. This made his employer suspicious, but before they could sack him, he resigned. However, he was able to continue working for the Kenya Labour Workers Union as secretary-general before embarking on his studies in Britain. Upon returning from Britain, he contested and won a seat against incumbent C.M.G. Argwings-Kodhek. In 1957, he became dissatisfied with the low number of African leaders (only eight out of fifty at the time) in the Legislative council and decided to form his own party, the People's Congress Party.
At that time, Mboya developed a close relationship with Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana who, like Mboya, was a Pan-Africanist. In 1958, during the All-African Peoples' Conference in Ghana, convened by Kwame Nkurumah, Mboya was elected as the Conference Chairman at the age of 28.
In 1959 Mboya organized the Airlift Africa project, together with the African-American Students Foundation in the United States, through which 81 Kenyan students were flown to the U.S. to study at U.S. universities. Barack Obama's father, Barack Obama, Sr., was a friend of Mboya's and a fellow Luo; although he was not on the first airlift plane in 1959, since he was headed for Hawaii, not the continental U.S., he received a scholarship through the AASF and occasional grants for books and expenses. In 1960 the Kennedy Foundation agreed to underwrite the airlift, after Mboya visited Senator Jack Kennedy to ask for assistance, and Airlift Africa was extended to Uganda, Tanganyika and Zanzibar (now Tanzania), Northern Rhodesia (now Zambia), Southern Rhodesia (now Zimbabwe), and Nyasaland (now Malawi). Some 230 African students received scholarships to study at Class I accredited colleges in the United States in 1960, and hundreds more in 1961–63.[3]
In 1960, Mboya's People's Congress Party joined with Kenya African Union and Kenya Independent Movement to form the Kenya African National Union (KANU) in an attempt to form a party that would both transcend tribal politics and prepare for participation in the Lancaster House Conference (held at Lancaster House in London) where Kenya's constitutional framework and independence were to be negotiated. As Secretary General of KANU, Mboya headed the Kenyan delegation.
After Kenya's independence on 1 June 1963, Mboya was elected as an MP for Nairobi Central Constituency (today: Kamukunji Constituency)[4] and became Minister of Justice and Constitutional Affairs,[5] and later Minister for Economic Planning and Development. In this role, he wrote the important "Sessional Paper 10" on Harambee and the Principles of African Socialism (adopted by Parliament in 1964), which provided a model of government based on African values.
Assassination
He retained the portfolio as Minister for Economic Planning and Development until his death at age 38 when he was gunned down on 5 July 1969 on Government Road (now Moi Avenue), Nairobi CBD after visiting a pharmacy.[6] Nahashon Isaac Njenga Njoroge was convicted for the murder and later hanged. After his arrest, Njoroge asked: "Why don't you go after the big man?.[7] Who he meant by "the big man" was never divulged, but fed conspiracy theories since Mboya was seen as a possible contender for the presidency. The mostly tribal elite around Kenyatta has been blamed for his death, which has never been subject of a judicial inquiry. During Mboya's burial, a mass demonstration against the attendance of President Jomo Kenyatta led to a big skirmish, with two people shot dead. The demonstrators believed that Kenyatta was involved in the death of Mboya, thus eliminating him as a threat to his political career although this is still a disputed matter.
Mboya left a wife and five children. He is buried in a mausoleum located on Rusinga Island which was built in 1970.[8] A street in Nairobi is named after him.
Mboya's role in Kenya's politics and transformation is the subject of increasing interest, especially with the coming into scene of American politician Barack Obama II. Obama's father, Barack Obama, Sr., was a US-educated Kenyan who benefited from Mboya's scholarship programme in the 1960s, and married during his stay there, siring the future Illinois Senator and President. Obama Sr. had seen Mboya shortly before the assassination, and testified at the ensuing trial. Obama Sr. believed he was later targeted in a hit-and-run incident as a result of this testimony.[9]
Personal life
Mboya's father Leonard Ndiege was an overseer at a sisal plantation in Kilima Mbogo.[10] Mboya married Pamela Mboya in 1962 (herself a daughter of the politician Walter Odede). They had five children, including daughters Maureen Odero, a high court judge in Mombasa, and Susan Mboya, a Coca-Cola executive who continues the education airlift program initiated by Tom Mboya. Their sons are Luke and twin brothers Peter (died in 2004 in a motorcycle accident) and Patrick (died aged four). After Tom's death, Pamela had one child, Tom Mboya Jr., with Alphonse Okuku, the brother of Tom Mboya.[11] Pamela died of an illness in January 2009 while seeking treatment in South Africa.[6]
External links
Works by or about Tom Mboya in libraries (WorldCat catalog)
The African American Students Foundation page on the African Activist Archive Project website.
Airlift to America website This website is related to the book Airlift to America: How Barack Obama, Sr., John F. Kennedy, Tom Mboya and 800 East African Students Changed Their World and Ours by Tom Shachtman
Biography according to About
"Thomas Joseph Mboya". AfricanTribute.com.
"Tom Mboya’s response to the plot". Sunday Standard. 11 July 2004. Lumumba information — that could have parted him with Odinga.
"The Facts on Grant to American Students Airlift". Includes Background Memorandum prepared by Senator Kennedy's Office, August 1960.
"T.J Mboya – A Tribute to One of Yala's proud sons". Archived from the original on 2006-11-13.
"Kenya – Tom Mboya's fatal links with CIA". Archived from the original on 2008-07-03.
"Tom Mboya's Mausoleum – Rusinga Island, Kenya". Archived from the original on 2008-07-25.
This page was last modified on 18 February 2014
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'An Evning With Thom Mboya'
http://www.knchr.org/Portals/0/CivilAndPoliticalReports/An%20Evening%20with%20Tom%20Mboya.pdf
PDF 46P
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Harry Belafonte, Tom Mboya, Barack Obama connection
公開日: 2013/07/14
Harry Belafonte relates his relationship with African Nationalist Thomas Joseph Mboya whom he helped coordinate an "airlift" in 1959 of 81 Kenyan students to the USA to attend college. With the help of Dr. King, the African American Students Foundation and its sponsors, Harry Belafonte, Jackie Robinson, and Sidney Poitier, Mboya raised sufficient funds to cover the students' expenses. One of the students was a certain Barack Husein Obama Snr., the late father of US President Barrack Obama. This clip is from the documentary HARRY BELAFONTE: SING YOUR SONG, The Music, Hope and Vision of A Man and an Era. Clip intro music "Raise the Flag" by X-Clan.
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Tom Mboya & Dr. Martin L King at a Civil Rights Rally in DC
アップロード日: 2009/01/19
African Nationalist Thomas Joseph Mboya coordinated an "airlift" in 1959 of 81 Kenyan students to the USA to attend college. With the help of Dr. King, the African American Students Foundation and its sponsors, Harry Belafonte, Jackie Robinson, and Sidney Poitier, Mboya raised sufficient funds to cover the students' travel expenses. One of the students was a certain Barack Husein Obama snr., the late father of US President Barrack Obama. This rally was in Washington DC, 1959
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Requiem mass for the late Pamela Mboya
アップロード日: 2009/02/05
the late Pamela Mboya
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The Kennedy Airlift of 1959-Reverend Daniel Mbai
公開日: 2014/01/16
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Airlift to America
アップロード日: 2010/04/28
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Obama Kenya Ancestry Home Tour
公開日: 2014/02/25
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The Kennedy Airlift of 1959-Reverend Daniel Mbai
公開日: 2014/01/16
In April 1959, prior to Kenyan independence, trade unionist Tom Mboya visited the United States. at the invitation of the American Committee on Africa. Mboya spoke on many college campuses and was given scholarships from many universities for East African students to come study in the United States After Mboya's visit, the African American Students Foundation (AASF) was set up to raise money and bring students from East Africa to use these scholarships. AASF had a vision "to create a cadre of well-trained young people who would be available to staff the government and the educational system when Kenya gained its independence." AASF raised an initial $39,000 and as a result organized the first of several "airlifts" of East African students, mostly from Kenya, to the United States in September 1959.
• In 1959, there were no universities in Kenya.
• The first airlift included 81 students- all from Kenya. The media called it the Famous Flight of 81.
• Nearly 800 East Africans were awarded scholarships between 1959 - 1963, including Barack Obama, Sr. and Wangari Maathai.
• In 1959, there were no universities in Kenya.
• The first airlift included 81 students- all from Kenya. The media called it the Famous Flight of 81.
• Nearly 800 East Africans were awarded scholarships between 1959 - 1963, including Barack Obama, Sr. and Wangari Maathai.
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Airlift to America
アップロード日: 2010/04/28
Tom Shactman discusses his book "Airlift to America: How Barack Obama Sr., John F. Kennedy, Tom Mboya and 800 East African Students Changed Their World and Ours." Cora Weiss speaks from personal experience about the airlifts and activities of the African American Students Foundation, which funded, coordinated and supported the airlifts. The event is sponsored by the African Section of the African and Middle Eastern Division.
Speaker Biography: Tom Shachtman is a filmmaker, educator and author of more than 30 non-fiction books. He has produced and directed documentaries for major television networks such as ABC, CBS, NBC and PBS.
Speaker Biography: Cora Weiss is the former Executive Director of the African American Students Foundation.
Speaker Biography: Tom Shachtman is a filmmaker, educator and author of more than 30 non-fiction books. He has produced and directed documentaries for major television networks such as ABC, CBS, NBC and PBS.
Speaker Biography: Cora Weiss is the former Executive Director of the African American Students Foundation.
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Obama Kenya Ancestry Home Tour
公開日: 2014/02/25
Anthony "Amp" Elmore is a five time World Karate Kickboxing World Champion, a Buddhist Activist and a Community organizer. Elmore who lives in Memphis, Tennessee traveled to Kenya in May of 2013 on a Buddhist mission of peace. Elmore's Buddhist mission to Kenya was inspired by the late Kenyan Hero Tom Mboya. Tom Mboya was a 26 year old Kenyan who came to America in 1956. Mboya's dream was for Kenya to become a country someday. Mboya understood that in order for Kenya to be independent its people needed an education. Tom Mboya started a program called "Airlift America." Mboya and others spearheaded a movement to pay for Africans to come to America for an education. In 1959 Mboya's friend a 23 year old Kenyan by the name of Barack Obama Sr. arrived in America to go to school in Hawaii. Elmore's Buddhist faith lead him to believe that the "Spirit of Mboya" asked him to contact his family and friends and they would know that Mboya's spirit sent him to Kenya. Elmore's goal in Kenya was to promote a program called the "Safari Homecoming Celebration." This is a program whereas an African country honor African Americans with a "Formal State Reception." In May of 2013 Elmore visited Kenya in hopes of meeting with Kenya President Uhuru Kenyatta to ask him to honor African Americans. Elmore was broken hearted in Kenya at the disrespect and disregard that Kenyans expressed in regards to Mboya. Elmore visited the Mboya museum in Western Kenya and performed Buddhist prayers for Mboya. Elmore visited the Ancestral home of President Obama in Kogelo, Kenya. When the Grandmother of Sarah Obama looked at Elmore both were almost moved to tears. Sarah Obama as it was interpreted, said that this man was the child of the Africans they took to America. Grand mama Sarah told Elmore that she was also his grandmother. Elmore explained to grandmother Sarah that he was on a mission to bring Africans home to connect with our families in America. Elmore asked grandmother Sarah to come to Memphis, Tennessee and she agreed as long as President Obama approved her coming. While at the Obama home Elmore recorded the exterior of the home to show to people in America. When Elmore went in the back and he discovered a new home that President Obama was building for his beloved grandmother. Elmore video taped the new home. This is what is shown on video. Elmore returned to Memphis hoping to prepare for Sarah Obama to visit Memphis, Tennessee to raise money for her orphanage in Kogelo, Kenya. Elmore noted that Grand mama Sarah Obama was one of the Keys to help African and African Americans connect as family. Elmore also noted that African Americans would love Kenya. Kenyan only have to open their hearts to their family in America as America open their hearts for Tom Mboya. A few of the Kenya Governors and the head of the group that invited Elmore to Kenya disregarded the idea of the "Safari Initiative." The group used Elmore's contacts and struck out to arrange deals in Memphis. The Kenya Governor of Siaya, County Cornel Ransaga where the Obama family lives made a second trip to Memphis in December of 2013. Governor Ransaga and Siaya County Officials explained to Elmore that they had no in a "Homecoming Celebration" or Tom Mboya. One of the Kenya leaders pointed out to Elmore that: "Mboya was dead." Elmore in his heart understood that as long as we have a President Barack Obama Jr. the Spirit of Mboya lives on. Elmore whose mission was to honor Tom Mboya and Dr. Martin Luther King we have a greater chance for such a celebration in South Africa. Learn more via the website: http://www.homecomingcelebration.com/
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Barack Obama, Sr.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Barack_Obama,_Sr.
Barack Hussein Obama, Sr. (/ˈbærək huːˈseɪn oʊˈbɑːmə/;[12][13] 18 June 1936[2] − 24 November 1982) was a Kenyan senior governmental economist and the father of U.S. President Barack Obama. He is a central figure of his son's memoir, Dreams from My Father (1995). Obama married in 1954 and had two children with his first wife, Kezia. He was selected for a special program to attend college in the United States, where he went to the University of Hawaii. There, Obama met Stanley Ann Dunham, whom he married in 1961 and divorced three years later, after having a son, Barack II, named after him. The elder Obama later went to Harvard University for graduate school, earning an M.A. in economics. He returned to Kenya in 1964.
Later that year, Obama married Ruth Beatrice Baker, a Jewish American woman with whom he had developed a relationship in Massachusetts. They had two sons together before separating in 1971 and divorcing in 1973. Obama first worked for an oil company, before beginning work as an economist with the Kenyan Ministry of Transport. He gained a promotion to senior economic analyst in the Ministry of Finance. Among a cadre of young Kenyan men educated in the West in a program supported by Tom Mboya, Obama had conflicts with Kenyan President Jomo Kenyatta, which adversely affected his career. He was fired and blacklisted in Kenya, finding it nearly impossible to get a job. Obama experienced three serious car accidents, the last of which claimed his life in 1982.
Early life
Obama was born in Rachuonyo District[3] on the shores of Lake Victoria just outside Kendu Bay, Kenya Colony, at the time a colony of the British Empire. He was raised in the village of Nyang’oma Kogelo, Siaya District, Nyanza Province.[14] His family are members of the Luo ethnic group. His father was Onyango (later Hussein) Obama (c. 1895-1979), and his mother, Habiba Akumu Nyanjango of Karabondi, Kenya, was his second wife. After Akumu separated from her husband Hussein and left the family in 1945, the boy Barack Obama was raised by his father Hussein's third wife, Sarah Ogwel of Kogelo.[5][15]
Before working as a cook for missionaries and local herbalist in Nairobi, Barack Obama's father Onyango had traveled widely, enlisting in the British colonial forces and visiting Europe, India, and Zanzibar. There, Onyango converted from Roman Catholicism to Islam and took the name Hussein.
The Times of London reports that in 1949, after becoming more politically active, Onyango was jailed by the British for six months due to his working for the Kenyan independence movement. According to Sarah Onyango Obama, her husband Hussein Onyango was subjected to beatings and abuse; it resulted in permanent physical disabilities and his loathing of the British.[16] Research by David Maraniss, however, states that not only was Onyango not involved in the insurrections he was never imprisoned by the British during the uprising and remained a trusted individual among white Kenyans.[17][18] Obama was raised in a Muslim family.[19] When he was about six years old and attending a Christian missionary school, the boy converted to Anglicanism when strongly encouraged by the staff. He changed his name from "Baraka" to the more Christian-sounding "Barack".[1]
While still living near Kendu Bay, Obama attended Gendia Primary School. After his family moved to Siaya District, he transferred to Ng’iya Intermediate School.[3] From 1950 to 1953, he studied at Maseno National School, an exclusive Anglican boarding school in Maseno.[20] The head teacher, B.L. Bowers, described Obama in his records as "very keen, steady, trustworthy and friendly. Concentrates, reliable and out-going."[21] In 1954, Obama married Kezia Aoko[22] in a tribal ceremony. They had two children, Malik (a.k.a. Roy) and Auma, during the early years of their marriage. Later, after Obama had married a third time, Kezia had two more sons, Abo and Bernard who are thought to be Obama's children.[23] Barack Obama, Jr, in his memoir, Dreams from My Father, said that his father's family questions whether Abo and Bernard are his biological sons.[24]
College and graduate school
In 1959, Obama received a scholarship in economics through a program organized by the nationalist leader Tom Mboya. The program offered education in the West to outstanding Kenyan students.[25][26][27] Initial financial supporters of the program included Harry Belafonte, Sidney Poitier, Jackie Robinson, and Elizabeth Mooney Kirk, a literacy advocate who provided most of the financial support for Obama's early years in the United States.[28] Funds provided the next year by John F. Kennedy's family paid off old debts of the project and subsidized student stipends, indirectly benefiting Obama and other members of the 1959 group of scholarship holders.[29] When Obama left for America, he left behind his young wife, Kezia, and their baby son, Malik. Kezia was also pregnant, and their daughter, Auma, was born while her father was in Hawaii.[30]
University of Hawaii
In 1959, Obama enrolled at the University of Hawaii at Manoa in Honolulu as the university's first African foreign student.[31] He initially lived across the street from the university at the Charles H. Atherton branch of the YMCA at 1810 University Avenue;[31] public records from 1961 indicate he later had a residence two miles southeast of the university at 625 11th Avenue in the Kaimuki neighborhood.[32] In 1960, Obama met Stanley Ann Dunham in a basic Russian language course at the University of Hawaii.[31] Dunham dropped out of the University of Hawaii after the fall 1960 semester after becoming pregnant, while Obama continued his education.[33] Obama married Dunham in Wailuku on the Hawaiian island of Maui on 2 February 1961.[33][34] He eventually told Dunham about his previous marriage in Kenya, but said he was divorced—which she found out years later was a lie.[31]
Obama's son, Barack II, was born in Honolulu on 4 August 1961 at the old Kapiolani Maternity and Gynecological Hospital—a predecessor of the Kapi'olani Medical Center for Women and Children.[31] His birth was announced in The Honolulu Advertiser and the Honolulu Star-Bulletin, with his parents' address listed as 6085 Kalanianaole Highway in the Kuliouou neighborhood of Honolulu, seven miles east of the university—the rented home of Dunham's parents, Stanley and Madelyn Dunham.[32] Soon after his birth, Dunham took the younger Obama to Seattle, Washington, where she took classes at the University of Washington from September 1961 to June 1962.[35] Obama continued his education at the University of Hawaii and in 1961–1962 lived one mile east of the university in the St. Louis Heights neighborhood.[36][37] He graduated from the University of Hawaii after three years with a B.A. in economics[38] and was elected to Phi Beta Kappa[39] and left Hawaii in June 1962.[4][31]
Harvard University
In September 1962, after a tour of mainland U.S. universities, Obama traveled to Cambridge, Massachusetts, where he began a graduate fellowship in economics at Harvard University and rented an apartment in a rooming house near Central Square in Cambridge.[27][40] Meanwhile, Dunham and their son returned to Honolulu in the latter half of 1962, and she resumed her undergraduate education in January 1963 in the spring semester at the University of Hawaii.[35] In January 1964, Dunham filed for divorce in Honolulu; the divorce was not contested by Obama.[33][41] In 1965, Dunham married Lolo Soetoro,[42] a Javanese[43] surveyor whom she had met at the East-West Center.[44]
Obama was forced to leave his Ph.D. program at Harvard University in May 1964 (and received an A.M. in economics from Harvard in 1965).[4][27][34][45][46] In June 1964, Obama met and began dating a 27-year-old Jewish American elementary school teacher named Ruth Beatrice Baker, the daughter of prosperous Lithuanian immigrants to the United States.[47][48][49]
Return to Kenya and final years
Obama returned to Kenya in 1964 after graduating from Harvard.[50] Baker followed him, and they married 24 December 1964.[51] They had two sons together, Mark Okoth Obama in 1965 and David Opiyo Obama in 1968.[52] Baker and Obama separated in 1971,[53][54] and divorced in 1973.[4][27] Baker subsequently married a Tanzanian named Ndesandjo and took his surname, as did her sons Mark and David. Mark said in 2009 that Obama had been abusive to him, his late brother David, and his mother.[23][48][49]
After working for an oil company, Obama served as an economist in the Kenyan Ministry of Transport. He later was promoted to senior economist in the Kenyan Ministry of Finance.[55] In 1959, a monograph written by him had been published by the Kenyan Department of Education, entitled Otieno jarieko. Kitabu mar ariyo. 2: Yore mabeyo mag puro puothe. (English: Otieno, the wise man. Book 2: Wise ways of farming.)[56][57] That same year, Obama published a paper entitled "Problems Facing Our Socialism" in the East Africa Journal, harshly criticizing the blueprint for national planning, "African Socialism and Its Applicability to Planning in Kenya", which had been produced by Tom Mboya's Ministry of Economic Planning and Development. The article was signed "Barak H. Obama."[58] In December 1971, Obama was still recuperating after an almost year-long hospitalization following an automobile accident.[59] He made a month-long trip to Hawaii, during which he visited with his ex-wife Ann and son Barack II. The visit was the last time the boy would see his father.[60] During his trip, Obama took his son to his first jazz concert, a performance by the pianist Dave Brubeck.[61] His son recalled Obama giving him his first basketball:
I only remember my father for one month my whole life, when I was 10. And it wasn't until much later in life that I realized, like, he gave me my first basketball and it was shortly thereafter that I became this basketball fanatic. And he took me to my first jazz concert and it was sort of shortly thereafter that I became really interested in jazz and music. So what it makes you realize how much of an impact [even if it's only a month] that they have on you. But I think probably the most important thing was his absence I think contributed to me really wanting to be a good dad, you know? Because I think not having him there made me say to myself 'you know what I want to make sure my girls feel like they've got somebody they can rely on.'"[62]
According to his son's memoir, Obama's conflict with Kenyan President Jomo Kenyatta destroyed his career.[63] The decline began after Tom Mboya was assassinated in 1969. After Kenyatta fired him, Obama was blacklisted in Kenya and found it impossible to get work. He began to drink heavily and had a serious car accident in 1970, requiring almost a year in the hospital. By the time Obama visited his son in Hawaii in 1971, he had a bad leg.[64] Obama's life deteriorated into drinking and poverty, from which he had never recovered during his final years. His friend, journalist Philip Ochieng, has described Obama's difficult personality and drinking problems in the Kenya newspaper, Daily Nation.[25] Obama later lost both legs in a second serious automobile accident, and subsequently lost his job. In 1982, Obama fathered another son named George. Six months after George's birth, Obama died in a car crash in Nairobi and was interred in his native village of Nyang’oma Kogelo, Siaya District.[25] His funeral was attended by ministers Robert Ouko, Peter Oloo-Aringo, and other prominent political figures.[3]
This page was last modified on 23 February 2014
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United States President: Barack Obama Biography
公開日: 2014/01/25
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Barack Obama, Sr.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Barack_Obama,_Sr.
Barack Hussein Obama, Sr. (/ˈbærək huːˈseɪn oʊˈbɑːmə/;[12][13] 18 June 1936[2] − 24 November 1982) was a Kenyan senior governmental economist and the father of U.S. President Barack Obama. He is a central figure of his son's memoir, Dreams from My Father (1995). Obama married in 1954 and had two children with his first wife, Kezia. He was selected for a special program to attend college in the United States, where he went to the University of Hawaii. There, Obama met Stanley Ann Dunham, whom he married in 1961 and divorced three years later, after having a son, Barack II, named after him. The elder Obama later went to Harvard University for graduate school, earning an M.A. in economics. He returned to Kenya in 1964.
Later that year, Obama married Ruth Beatrice Baker, a Jewish American woman with whom he had developed a relationship in Massachusetts. They had two sons together before separating in 1971 and divorcing in 1973. Obama first worked for an oil company, before beginning work as an economist with the Kenyan Ministry of Transport. He gained a promotion to senior economic analyst in the Ministry of Finance. Among a cadre of young Kenyan men educated in the West in a program supported by Tom Mboya, Obama had conflicts with Kenyan President Jomo Kenyatta, which adversely affected his career. He was fired and blacklisted in Kenya, finding it nearly impossible to get a job. Obama experienced three serious car accidents, the last of which claimed his life in 1982.
Early life
Obama was born in Rachuonyo District[3] on the shores of Lake Victoria just outside Kendu Bay, Kenya Colony, at the time a colony of the British Empire. He was raised in the village of Nyang’oma Kogelo, Siaya District, Nyanza Province.[14] His family are members of the Luo ethnic group. His father was Onyango (later Hussein) Obama (c. 1895-1979), and his mother, Habiba Akumu Nyanjango of Karabondi, Kenya, was his second wife. After Akumu separated from her husband Hussein and left the family in 1945, the boy Barack Obama was raised by his father Hussein's third wife, Sarah Ogwel of Kogelo.[5][15]
Before working as a cook for missionaries and local herbalist in Nairobi, Barack Obama's father Onyango had traveled widely, enlisting in the British colonial forces and visiting Europe, India, and Zanzibar. There, Onyango converted from Roman Catholicism to Islam and took the name Hussein.
The Times of London reports that in 1949, after becoming more politically active, Onyango was jailed by the British for six months due to his working for the Kenyan independence movement. According to Sarah Onyango Obama, her husband Hussein Onyango was subjected to beatings and abuse; it resulted in permanent physical disabilities and his loathing of the British.[16] Research by David Maraniss, however, states that not only was Onyango not involved in the insurrections he was never imprisoned by the British during the uprising and remained a trusted individual among white Kenyans.[17][18] Obama was raised in a Muslim family.[19] When he was about six years old and attending a Christian missionary school, the boy converted to Anglicanism when strongly encouraged by the staff. He changed his name from "Baraka" to the more Christian-sounding "Barack".[1]
While still living near Kendu Bay, Obama attended Gendia Primary School. After his family moved to Siaya District, he transferred to Ng’iya Intermediate School.[3] From 1950 to 1953, he studied at Maseno National School, an exclusive Anglican boarding school in Maseno.[20] The head teacher, B.L. Bowers, described Obama in his records as "very keen, steady, trustworthy and friendly. Concentrates, reliable and out-going."[21] In 1954, Obama married Kezia Aoko[22] in a tribal ceremony. They had two children, Malik (a.k.a. Roy) and Auma, during the early years of their marriage. Later, after Obama had married a third time, Kezia had two more sons, Abo and Bernard who are thought to be Obama's children.[23] Barack Obama, Jr, in his memoir, Dreams from My Father, said that his father's family questions whether Abo and Bernard are his biological sons.[24]
College and graduate school
In 1959, Obama received a scholarship in economics through a program organized by the nationalist leader Tom Mboya. The program offered education in the West to outstanding Kenyan students.[25][26][27] Initial financial supporters of the program included Harry Belafonte, Sidney Poitier, Jackie Robinson, and Elizabeth Mooney Kirk, a literacy advocate who provided most of the financial support for Obama's early years in the United States.[28] Funds provided the next year by John F. Kennedy's family paid off old debts of the project and subsidized student stipends, indirectly benefiting Obama and other members of the 1959 group of scholarship holders.[29] When Obama left for America, he left behind his young wife, Kezia, and their baby son, Malik. Kezia was also pregnant, and their daughter, Auma, was born while her father was in Hawaii.[30]
University of Hawaii
In 1959, Obama enrolled at the University of Hawaii at Manoa in Honolulu as the university's first African foreign student.[31] He initially lived across the street from the university at the Charles H. Atherton branch of the YMCA at 1810 University Avenue;[31] public records from 1961 indicate he later had a residence two miles southeast of the university at 625 11th Avenue in the Kaimuki neighborhood.[32] In 1960, Obama met Stanley Ann Dunham in a basic Russian language course at the University of Hawaii.[31] Dunham dropped out of the University of Hawaii after the fall 1960 semester after becoming pregnant, while Obama continued his education.[33] Obama married Dunham in Wailuku on the Hawaiian island of Maui on 2 February 1961.[33][34] He eventually told Dunham about his previous marriage in Kenya, but said he was divorced—which she found out years later was a lie.[31]
Obama's son, Barack II, was born in Honolulu on 4 August 1961 at the old Kapiolani Maternity and Gynecological Hospital—a predecessor of the Kapi'olani Medical Center for Women and Children.[31] His birth was announced in The Honolulu Advertiser and the Honolulu Star-Bulletin, with his parents' address listed as 6085 Kalanianaole Highway in the Kuliouou neighborhood of Honolulu, seven miles east of the university—the rented home of Dunham's parents, Stanley and Madelyn Dunham.[32] Soon after his birth, Dunham took the younger Obama to Seattle, Washington, where she took classes at the University of Washington from September 1961 to June 1962.[35] Obama continued his education at the University of Hawaii and in 1961–1962 lived one mile east of the university in the St. Louis Heights neighborhood.[36][37] He graduated from the University of Hawaii after three years with a B.A. in economics[38] and was elected to Phi Beta Kappa[39] and left Hawaii in June 1962.[4][31]
Harvard University
In September 1962, after a tour of mainland U.S. universities, Obama traveled to Cambridge, Massachusetts, where he began a graduate fellowship in economics at Harvard University and rented an apartment in a rooming house near Central Square in Cambridge.[27][40] Meanwhile, Dunham and their son returned to Honolulu in the latter half of 1962, and she resumed her undergraduate education in January 1963 in the spring semester at the University of Hawaii.[35] In January 1964, Dunham filed for divorce in Honolulu; the divorce was not contested by Obama.[33][41] In 1965, Dunham married Lolo Soetoro,[42] a Javanese[43] surveyor whom she had met at the East-West Center.[44]
Obama was forced to leave his Ph.D. program at Harvard University in May 1964 (and received an A.M. in economics from Harvard in 1965).[4][27][34][45][46] In June 1964, Obama met and began dating a 27-year-old Jewish American elementary school teacher named Ruth Beatrice Baker, the daughter of prosperous Lithuanian immigrants to the United States.[47][48][49]
Return to Kenya and final years
Obama returned to Kenya in 1964 after graduating from Harvard.[50] Baker followed him, and they married 24 December 1964.[51] They had two sons together, Mark Okoth Obama in 1965 and David Opiyo Obama in 1968.[52] Baker and Obama separated in 1971,[53][54] and divorced in 1973.[4][27] Baker subsequently married a Tanzanian named Ndesandjo and took his surname, as did her sons Mark and David. Mark said in 2009 that Obama had been abusive to him, his late brother David, and his mother.[23][48][49]
After working for an oil company, Obama served as an economist in the Kenyan Ministry of Transport. He later was promoted to senior economist in the Kenyan Ministry of Finance.[55] In 1959, a monograph written by him had been published by the Kenyan Department of Education, entitled Otieno jarieko. Kitabu mar ariyo. 2: Yore mabeyo mag puro puothe. (English: Otieno, the wise man. Book 2: Wise ways of farming.)[56][57] That same year, Obama published a paper entitled "Problems Facing Our Socialism" in the East Africa Journal, harshly criticizing the blueprint for national planning, "African Socialism and Its Applicability to Planning in Kenya", which had been produced by Tom Mboya's Ministry of Economic Planning and Development. The article was signed "Barak H. Obama."[58] In December 1971, Obama was still recuperating after an almost year-long hospitalization following an automobile accident.[59] He made a month-long trip to Hawaii, during which he visited with his ex-wife Ann and son Barack II. The visit was the last time the boy would see his father.[60] During his trip, Obama took his son to his first jazz concert, a performance by the pianist Dave Brubeck.[61] His son recalled Obama giving him his first basketball:
I only remember my father for one month my whole life, when I was 10. And it wasn't until much later in life that I realized, like, he gave me my first basketball and it was shortly thereafter that I became this basketball fanatic. And he took me to my first jazz concert and it was sort of shortly thereafter that I became really interested in jazz and music. So what it makes you realize how much of an impact [even if it's only a month] that they have on you. But I think probably the most important thing was his absence I think contributed to me really wanting to be a good dad, you know? Because I think not having him there made me say to myself 'you know what I want to make sure my girls feel like they've got somebody they can rely on.'"[62]
According to his son's memoir, Obama's conflict with Kenyan President Jomo Kenyatta destroyed his career.[63] The decline began after Tom Mboya was assassinated in 1969. After Kenyatta fired him, Obama was blacklisted in Kenya and found it impossible to get work. He began to drink heavily and had a serious car accident in 1970, requiring almost a year in the hospital. By the time Obama visited his son in Hawaii in 1971, he had a bad leg.[64] Obama's life deteriorated into drinking and poverty, from which he had never recovered during his final years. His friend, journalist Philip Ochieng, has described Obama's difficult personality and drinking problems in the Kenya newspaper, Daily Nation.[25] Obama later lost both legs in a second serious automobile accident, and subsequently lost his job. In 1982, Obama fathered another son named George. Six months after George's birth, Obama died in a car crash in Nairobi and was interred in his native village of Nyang’oma Kogelo, Siaya District.[25] His funeral was attended by ministers Robert Ouko, Peter Oloo-Aringo, and other prominent political figures.[3]
This page was last modified on 23 February 2014
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United States President: Barack Obama Biography
公開日: 2014/01/25
United States President: Barack Obama Biography
Barack Obama was born to a white American mother, Ann Dunham, and a black Kenyan father,Barack Obama Sr., who were both young college students at the University of Hawaii. When his father left for Harvard, she and Barack stayed behind, and his father ultimately returned alone to Kenya, where he worked as a government economist. Barack's mother remarried an Indonesian oil manager and moved to Jakarta when Barack was six. He later recounted Indonesia as simultaneously lush and a harrowing exposure to tropical poverty. He returned to Hawaii, where he was brought up largely by his grandparents. The family lived in a small apartment - his grandfather was a furniture salesman and an unsuccessful insurance agent and his grandmother worked in a bank - but Barack managed to get into Punahou School, Hawaii's top prep academy. His father wrote to him regularly but, though he traveled around the world on official business for Kenya, he visited only once, when Barack was ten.
In 2004 Obama was elected to the U.S. Senate as a Democrat, representing Illinois, and he gained national attention by giving a rousing and well-received keynote speech at the Democratic National Convention in Boston. In 2008 he ran for President, and despite having only four years of national political experience, he won. In January 2009, he was sworn in as the 44th President of the United States, and the first African-American ever elected to that position. Obama was reelected to a second term in November 2012.
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Senator Obama Goes to Africa
アップロード日: 2007/12/12
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Obama's Kenyan Family
アップロード日: 2008/04/27
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Obama and Odinga Campaign in Kenya
アップロード日: 2008/10/10
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Young Leaders From Africa Question President Obama
アップロード日: 2010/08/04
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History of Africa's Slave Trade (Obama's Visit to Ghana)
公開日: 2012/09/29
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Obama's Presidency and its Impact on Africa and the Global African
公開日: 2012/03/25
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1960 Democratic National Convention, 15 July 1960
http://www.jfklibrary.org/Asset-Viewer/AS08q5oYz0SFUZg9uOi4iw.aspx
Accession Number: TNC:191
Title: 1960 Democratic National Convention, 15 July 1960
Date(s) of Materials: 15 July 1960
Description: This is a motion picture of Presidential candidate John F. Kennedy's acceptance speech at the 1960 Democratic National Convention in the Los Angeles Memorial Coliseum, Los Angeles, California. This film reel covers 11:00-11:25 P.M. on July 15, 1960. The speech later became known as "The New Frontier." In his remarks, then Senator Kennedy famously states, "The New Frontier of which I speak is not a set of promises-- it is a set of challenges. It sums up not what I intend to offer the American people, but what I intend to ask of them." After the speech Senator Kennedy speaks to Democratic leaders on the speaker's platform. Leo J. Muir of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints pronounces the Benediction.
Physical Description: 1 film reel (black-and-white; sound; 16 mm; 938 feet; 26 minutes)
Running Time (Minutes): 26
Media Type: Film Reel
Footage: 938
Copyright Status: Copyright (C) John F. Kennedy Library Foundation, Inc.
Digital Identifier: TNC-191-E5
http://www.jfklibrary.org/Asset-Viewer/AS08q5oYz0SFUZg9uOi4iw.aspx
============= ============
Governor Stevenson, Senator Johnson, Mr. Butler, Senator Symington, Senator Humphrey, Speaker Rayburn, Fellow Democrats, I want to express my thanks to Governor Stevenson for his generous and heart-warming introduction.
It was my great honor to place his name in nomination at the 1956 Democratic Convention, and I am delighted to have his support and his counsel and his advice in the coming months ahead.
With a deep sense of duty and high resolve, I accept your nomination.
I accept it with a full and grateful heart--without reservation-- and with only one obligation--the obligation to devote every effort of body, mind and spirit to lead our Party back to victory and our Nation back to greatness.
I am grateful, too, that you have provided me with such an eloquent statement of our Party's platform. Pledges which are made so eloquently are made to be kept. "The Rights of Man"--the civil and economic rights essential to the human dignity of all men--are indeed our goal and our first principles. This is a Platform on which I can run with enthusiasm and conviction.
And I am grateful, finally, that I can rely in the coming months on so many others--on a distinguished running-mate who brings unity to our ticket and strength to our Platform, Lyndon Johnson--on one of the most articulate statesmen of our time, Adlai Stevenson--on a great spokesman for our needs as a Nation and a people, Stuart Symington--and on that fighting campaigner whose support I welcome, President Harry S. Truman-- on my traveling companion in Wisconsin and West Virginia, Senator Hubert Humphrey. On Paul Butler, our devoted and courageous Chairman.
I feel a lot safer now that they are on my side again. And I am proud of the contrast with our Republican competitors. For their ranks are apparently so thin that not one challenger has come forth with both the competence and the courage to make theirs an open convention.
I am fully aware of the fact that the Democratic Party, by nominating someone of my faith, has taken on what many regard as a new and hazardous risk--new, at least since 1928. But I look at it this way: the Democratic Party has once again placed its confidence in the American people, and in their ability to render a free, fair judgment. And you have, at the same time, placed your confidence in me, and in my ability to render a free, fair judgment--to uphold the Constitution and my oath of office--and to reject any kind of religious pressure or obligation that might directly or indirectly interfere with my conduct of the Presidency in the national interest. My record of fourteen years supporting public education--supporting complete separation of church and state--and resisting pressure from any source on any issue should be clear by now to everyone.
I hope that no American, considering the really critical issues facing this country, will waste his franchise by voting either for me or against me solely on account of my religious affiliation. It is not relevant. I want to stress, what some other political or religious leader may have said on this subject. It is not relevant what abuses may have existed in other countries or in other times. It is not relevant what pressures, if any, might conceivably be brought to bear on me. I am telling you now what you are entitled to know: that my decisions on any public policy will be my own--as an American, a Democrat and a free man.
Under any circumstances, however, the victory we seek in November will not be easy. We all know that in our hearts. We recognize the power of the forces that will be aligned against us. We know they will invoke the name of Abraham Lincoln on behalf of their candidate--despite the fact that the political career of their candidate has often seemed to show charity toward none and malice for all.
We know that it will not be easy to campaign against a man who has spoken or voted on every known side of every known issue. Mr. Nixon may feel it is his turn now, after the New Deal and the Fair Deal--but before he deals, someone had better cut the cards.
That "someone" may be the millions of Americans who voted for President Eisenhower but balk at his would be, self-appointed successor. For just as historians tell us that Richard I was not fit to fill the shoes of bold Henry II--and that Richard Cromwell was not fit to wear the mantle of his uncle--they might add in future years that Richard Nixon did not measure to the footsteps of Dwight D. Eisenhower.
Perhaps he could carry on the party policies--the policies of Nixon, Benson, Dirksen and Goldwater. But this Nation cannot afford such a luxury. Perhaps we could better afford a Coolidge following Harding. And perhaps we could afford a Pierce following Fillmore. But after Buchanan this nation needed a Lincoln--after Taft we needed a Wilson-- after Hoover we needed Franklin Roosevelt. . . . And after eight years of drugged and fitful sleep, this nation needs strong, creative Democratic leadership in the White House.
But we are not merely running against Mr. Nixon. Our task is not merely one of itemizing Republican failures. Nor is that wholly necessary. For the families forced from the farm will know how to vote without our telling them. The unemployed miners and textile workers will know how to vote. The old people without medical care--the families without a decent home--the parents of children without adequate food or schools--they all know that it's time for a change.
But I think the American people expect more from us than cries of indignation and attack. The times are too grave, the challenge too urgent, and the stakes too high--to permit the customary passions of political debate. We are not here to curse the darkness, but to light the candle that can guide us through that darkness to a safe and sane future. As Winston Churchill said on taking office some twenty years ago: if we open a quarrel between the present and the past, we shall be in danger of losing the future.
Today our concern must be with that future. For the world is changing. The old era is ending. The old ways will not do.
Abroad, the balance of power is shifting. There are new and more terrible weapons--new and uncertain nations--new pressures of population and deprivation. One-third of the world, it has been said, may be free- -but one-third is the victim of cruel repression--and the other one- third is rocked by the pangs of poverty, hunger and envy. More energy is released by the awakening of these new nations than by the fission of the atom itself.
Meanwhile, Communist influence has penetrated further into Asia, stood astride the Middle East and now festers some ninety miles off the coast of Florida. Friends have slipped into neutrality--and neutrals into hostility. As our keynoter reminded us, the President who began his career by going to Korea ends it by staying away from Japan.
The world has been close to war before--but now man, who has survived all previous threats to his existence, has taken into his mortal hands the power to exterminate the entire species some seven times over.
Here at home, the changing face of the future is equally revolutionary. The New Deal and the Fair Deal were bold measures for their generations--but this is a new generation.
A technological revolution on the farm has led to an output explosion--but we have not yet learned to harness that explosion usefully, while protecting our farmers' right to full parity income.
An urban population explosion has overcrowded our schools, cluttered up our suburbs, and increased the squalor of our slums.
A peaceful revolution for human rights--demanding an end to racial discrimination in all parts of our community life--has strained at the leashes imposed by timid executive leadership.
A medical revolution has extended the life of our elder citizens without providing the dignity and security those later years deserve. And a revolution of automation finds machines replacing men in the mines and mills of America, without replacing their incomes or their training or their needs to pay the family doctor, grocer and landlord.
There has also been a change--a slippage--in our intellectual and moral strength. Seven lean years of drouth and famine have withered a field of ideas. Blight has descended on our regulatory agencies--and a dry rot, beginning in Washington, is seeping into every corner of America--in the payola mentality, the expense account way of life, the confusion between what is legal and what is right. Too many Americans have lost their way, their will and their sense of historic purpose.
It is a time, in short, for a new generation of leadership--new men to cope with new problems and new opportunities.
All over the world, particularly in the newer nations, young men are coming to power--men who are not bound by the traditions of the past--men who are not blinded by the old fears and hates and rivalries-- young men who can cast off the old slogans and delusions and suspicions.
The Republican nominee-to-be, of course, is also a young man. But his approach is as old as McKinley. His party is the party of the past. His speeches are generalities from Poor Richard's Almanac. Their platform, made up of left-over Democratic planks, has the courage of our old convictions. Their pledge is a pledge to the status quo--and today there can be no status quo.
For I stand tonight facing west on what was once the last frontier. From the lands that stretch three thousand miles behind me, the pioneers of old gave up their safety, their comfort and sometimes their lives to build a new world here in the West. They were not the captives of their own doubts, the prisoners of their own price tags. Their motto was not "every man for himself"--but "all for the common cause." They were determined to make that new world strong and free, to overcome its hazards and its hardships, to conquer the enemies that threatened from without and within.
Today some would say that those struggles are all over--that all the horizons have been explored--that all the battles have been won-- that there is no longer an American frontier.
But I trust that no one in this vast assemblage will agree with those sentiments. For the problems are not all solved and the battles are not all won--and we stand today on the edge of a New Frontier--the frontier of the 1960's--a frontier of unknown opportunities and perils-- a frontier of unfulfilled hopes and threats.
Woodrow Wilson's New Freedom promised our nation a new political and economic framework. Franklin Roosevelt's New Deal promised security and succor to those in need. But the New Frontier of which I speak is not a set of promises--it is a set of challenges. It sums up not what I intend to offer the American people, but what I intend to ask of them. It appeals to their pride, not to their pocketbook--it holds out the promise of more sacrifice instead of more security.
But I tell you the New Frontier is here, whether we seek it or not. Beyond that frontier are the uncharted areas of science and space, unsolved problems of peace and war, unconquered pockets of ignorance and prejudice, unanswered questions of poverty and surplus. It would be easier to shrink back from that frontier, to look to the safe mediocrity of the past, to be lulled by good intentions and high rhetoric--and those who prefer that course should not cast their votes for me, regardless of party.
But I believe the times demand new invention, innovation, imagination, decision. I am asking each of you to be pioneers on that New Frontier. My call is to the young in heart, regardless of age--to all who respond to the Scriptural call: "Be strong and of a good courage; be not afraid, neither be thou dismayed."
For courage--not complacency--is our need today--leadership--not salesmanship. And the only valid test of leadership is the ability to lead, and lead vigorously. A tired nation, said David Lloyd George, is a Tory nation--and the United States today cannot afford to be either tired or Tory.
There may be those who wish to hear more--more promises to this group or that--more harsh rhetoric about the men in the Kremlin--more assurances of a golden future, where taxes are always low and subsidies ever high. But my promises are in the platform you have adopted--our ends will not be won by rhetoric and we can have faith in the future only if we have faith in ourselves.
For the harsh facts of the matter are that we stand on this frontier at a turning-point in history. We must prove all over again whether this nation--or any nation so conceived--can long endure--whether our society--with its freedom of choice, its breadth of opportunity, its range of alternatives--can compete with the single-minded advance of the Communist system.
Can a nation organized and governed such as ours endure? That is the real question. Have we the nerve and the will? Can we carry through in an age where we will witness not only new breakthroughs in weapons of destruction--but also a race for mastery of the sky and the rain, the ocean and the tides, the far side of space and the inside of men's minds?
Are we up to the task--are we equal to the challenge? Are we willing to match the Russian sacrifice of the present for the future--or must we sacrifice our future in order to enjoy the present?
That is the question of the New Frontier. That is the choice our nation must make--a choice that lies not merely between two men or two parties, but between the public interest and private comfort--between national greatness and national decline--between the fresh air of progress and the stale, dank atmosphere of "normalcy"--between determined dedication and creeping mediocrity.
All mankind waits upon our decision. A whole world looks to see what we will do. We cannot fail their trust, we cannot fail to try.
It has been a long road from that first snowy day in New Hampshire to this crowded convention city. Now begins another long journey, taking me into your cities and homes all over America. Give me your help, your hand, your voice, your vote. Recall with me the words of Isaiah: "They that wait upon the Lord shall renew their strength; they shall mount up with wings as eagles; they shall run and not be weary."
As we face the coming challenge, we too, shall wait upon the Lord, and ask that he renew our strength. Then shall we be equal to the test. Then we shall not be weary. And then we shall prevail.
Thank you.
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Inaugural Address, 20 January 1961
http://www.jfklibrary.org/Asset-Viewer/BqXIEM9F4024ntFl7SVAjA.aspx
Accession Number: USG-17
Title: Inaugural Address, 20 January 1961
Description: Motion picture of President John F. Kennedy's Inaugural Address in Washington, D.C. Supreme Court Chief Justice Earl Warren administers the oath of office to President Kennedy. Former President Dwight D. Eisenhower and former Vice President Richard M. Nixon congratulate President Kennedy. In his speech President Kennedy urges American citizens to participate in public service and "ask not what your country can do for you--ask what you can do for your country." Vice President Lyndon B. Johnson looks on.
Running Time: 16:00 (16 minutes)
01/20/1961
WO#30806, RG274, records of the White House Signal Agency. John F. Kennedy Presidential Library and Museum, Boston, Massachusetts
Public domain
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http://www.jfklibrary.org/Asset-Viewer/BqXIEM9F4024ntFl7SVAjA.aspx
ジョン・F・ケネディ大統領就任演説
http://www.jfklibrary.org/JFK/Historic-Speeches/Multilingual-Inaugural-Address/Multilingual-Inaugural-Address-in-Japanese.aspx
米国連邦議会議事堂
ワシントンD.C.
1961年1月20日
ジョンソン副大統領、下院議長、最高裁判所長官、アイゼンハワー大統領、ニクソン副大統領、トルーマン大統領、聖職者諸賢、そして国民の皆さん。
今日のこの日を、政党の勝利ではなく、自由を讃える機会として祝福しましょう。これは終わりと始まりの象徴であり、再生と変革の兆しです。なぜなら、私が先ほど皆さんと全能の神の前で誓った言葉は、我々の父祖がおよそ175年前に定めた厳粛な誓いと同じものだからです。
世界は大きく様変わりしました。今日の我々は、あらゆる形の貧困を撲滅する力と、あらゆる形の人間の生命を根絶させる力の両方を、神ならぬこの手に持っています。しかしながら、かつて我々の父祖がそのために戦った革命的な信条、つまり、人間の権利は国家の寛大さによって与えられるものではなく、神から授けられたものであるという信条は、今もなお世界各地で争点となり続けています。
我々は、その最初の革命の継承者であることを忘れてはなりません。今このとき、この場所から、敵味方の区別なく、すべての人に伝えましょう。たいまつはアメリカの新しい世代に渡されました。20世紀に生まれ、戦争で鍛えられ、苦しく困難な平和に身を置き、古来の伝統に誇りを持つ我々は、人間の権利が徐々に奪われていくのを見過ごすことはできません。人権こそ、この国の変わらぬ関心の対象であり、今日の我々が国の内外を問わず力を注いでいるものです。
すべての国々に知らせましょう。アメリカに好意を持つ国にも、そうでない国にも。我々はあらゆる代償を支払い、あらゆる重荷を担い、あらゆる困難に耐え、すべての友を支え、自由の存続と繁栄を妨げるすべての敵と戦う覚悟であるということを。
我々はこれを固く誓います。そして、それだけにとどまりません。
文化的・精神的な源を共有する古くからの盟友に対し、我々は誠実な友として忠誠を誓います。団結しましょう。我々が何度も協力して取り組めば、できないことはないはずです。分裂していれば、できることはほとんどありません。対立し、ばらばらに分裂した状態では、難しい課題に立ち向かうこともできません。
これから新たに自由主義世界に迎える国々に対しては、植民地支配という1つの形が終わり、その代わりにもっと過酷な鉄の専制が始まるという事態にはならないことを約束します。我々の考えがいつも支持されるとは期待していません。ただ、彼らが自らの自由を強く求めること、そして、虎にまたがって権力を握ろうとする者は結局虎に喰われるという昔からの教訓を忘れないことを願っています。
世界の人口の半分を占める、集団的困窮から抜け出そうと懸命にもがいている人々に対しては、彼らの自助努力を支援すべく最大限の努力をすることを誓います。どれだけ長い期間かかるとしてもです。これは共産主義者がそうしているからでも、票集めを狙っているからでもなく、ただそれが正しいことだからです。もし自由な社会で多数の貧困者を救うことができなければ、少数の富裕者を救うこともできません。
国境の南に位置する同朋諸国に対しては、特別な誓いを立てましょう。有言実行を実践すべく、発展のための新しい同盟を結び、自由な民衆と自由な政府が貧困の連鎖から抜け出せるように尽力することを誓います。しかし、この平和的革命の希望が敵対勢力によって絶たれるようなことがあってはなりません。 すべての近隣諸国に伝えねばなりません。我々は南北アメリカ大陸のどこで侵略行為や政権転覆の企みがあったとしても、それに一致協力して対抗する心構えであるということを。そして、他の大国すべてに知らしめましょう。この大陸は自らの領土を自ら支配するのだということを。
世界中の主権国家の集まりである国連は、戦争の手段が平和の手段をはるかに凌駕しているこの時代において、最後に残された希望の光です。我々は国連をただの罵り合いの場にするのではなく、新しい国や弱い国の盾とするべく努め、国連憲章の及ぶ地域が増えるように力を尽くすことを改めて誓います。
最後に、我々に敵対する国家に対しては、誓約ではなく要請をしたいと思います。双方で新たに平和への道を進もうではないかと。科学によって解き放たれた破壊的な力が、意図的にせよ偶発的にせよ、人類を自滅に追い込む前に。
これは弱さからの要請ではありません。我々の軍備が十分であると確信しているからこそ、どうしても軍備を使用すべきでないと確信できるのです。
しかし現在のあり方では、二大陣営のどちらも安心することはできません。どちらの陣営も近代兵器の費用負担に苦しみ、核兵器の着実な拡散に恐れを抱きながらも、人類の最終戦争を食い止めている不安定な恐怖の均衡を崩そうと競争しているのです。
共に新しく始めようではありませんか。礼儀正しい振る舞いは弱さの証しではなく、誠実さは証明すべきものだということを共に心に刻みながら。 恐怖ゆえに交渉してはなりません。しかし、交渉することを恐れてはなりません。
共に考えましょう。我々が団結できる問題は何かを。互いに意見の異なる問題にいつまでもこだわるのではなく。
共に作り上げましょう。兵器の査察と規制に関する初めての本格的かつ詳細な提言を。そして、他国を破壊できる絶対的な力を、すべての国々の絶対的な管理下に置きましょう。
共に努めましょう。科学の恐怖ではなく科学の素晴らしさを呼び覚ますために。互いに力を合わせ、宇宙を探査し、砂漠を征服し、病気を根絶し、深海を開発し、芸術と商業を奨励しましょう。
共に手を取りましょう。預言者イザヤが語った、「くびきの結び目をほどいて虐げられた人を解放し」という言葉が地球上のあらゆる場所で聞かれるように。
そして、もしも双方の協力を足がかりとして不信感を拭うことができたら、新たな勢力均衡を図る代わりに、共に新しい試みに取り組みましょう。それは、法に基づく新しい世界、つまり強い者が法を守り、弱い者が保護され、平和が維持されている世界を作ることです。
このすべてを、最初の100日間で達成することはできないでしょう。1000日でも難しいでしょうし、この在任期間中、あるいはこの地上に我々が生きている間には達成できないかもしれません。それでも、始めようではありませんか。
国民の皆さん、我々の進む道が最終的に成功するか失敗するかは、私自身よりも皆さんにかかっています。建国以来、アメリカの各世代の人々は国家への忠誠の証しとして召集を受けてきました。この召集に応えた若者たちの墓が世界各地に点在しています。
今、我々を召集するラッパが再び鳴り響いています。これは、武器を取れという合図ではありません。戦いの合図でもありません。ただ、我々は武器を用意し、陣容を整えておく必要があります。これは、長く先の見えない戦いの重荷を担えという呼びかけなのです。来る年も来る年も、希望をもって喜びとし、苦難を耐え忍びながら、人類共通の敵である虐政、貧困、病気、そして戦争そのものとの戦いを貫く覚悟が求められています。
これらの敵に対し、世界の東西南北にわたる大同盟を組んで当たり、すべての人の暮らしをいっそう実り豊かなものにすることはできないでしょうか。この歴史的な試みに、皆さんもご参加いただけないでしょうか。
世界の長い歴史の中で、自由が最大の危機に晒されているときに、それを守る役回りを与えられた世代というのは多くありません。私はこの責任を恐れず、喜んで受け入れます。おそらく皆さんも、この役目を他の誰かや他の世代に譲りたいとは思わないでしょう。我々がこの取り組みに注ぎ込む精力と信念、そして献身的な努力は、この国とこの国に奉仕する人々を明るく照らし、その情熱の光は世界を輝かせるはずです。
そして、同胞であるアメリカ市民の皆さん、国があなたのために何をしてくれるかではなく、あなたが国のために何ができるかを考えようではありませんか。
また同胞である世界市民の皆さん、アメリカがあなたのために何をしてくれるかではなく、人類の自由のために共に何ができるかを考えようではありませんか。
最後に、アメリカ市民の皆さんも世界市民の皆さんも、どうぞ我々が皆さんに求めるのと同じ水準の熱意と犠牲を我々に求めてください。良心の喜びを唯一の確かな報酬とし、歴史が我々の行いに正しい審判を下してくれることを信じて、この愛する世界を導いていこうではありませんか。神の祝福とご加護を願いつつ、この地上で神の御業が真に我々のものになることを念じて。
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John F. Kennedy Moon Speech (1962)
アップロード日: 2009/07/16
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"THE LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHN F. KENNEDY" (1964)
公開日: 2013/08/31
This 1964 documentary, narrated by Cliff Robertson, paints an intimate portrait of President Kennedy during his all-too-brief 46-year life.
What makes this program a little more special than other similar documentaries (IMO) is the fact that it was made very shortly after JFK's death, which occurred in November 1963. The very good music score by David Rose is also an asset.
Author Jim Bishop, who wrote two books about JFK, makes an appearance near the end of this film to talk about some of his personal experiences with President Kennedy. Bishop's commentary provides a touching climax to this very good documentary.
The original title of this film is simply "JOHN FITZGERALD KENNEDY".
©1964 Art Lieberman Productions
©1982 Official Films, Inc.
http://Kennedy-Videos.blogspot.com
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President John F. Kennedy, Inaugural Address, 20 January 1961
公開日: 2013/11/24
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March 8, 1961 - President John F. Kennedy's Remarks of Welcome
公開日: 2013/08/06
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President John F Kennedy and the African leaders
アップロード日: 2009/03/15
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クワメ・エンクルマ
http://ja.wikipedia.org/wiki/%E3%82%AF%E3%83%AF%E3%83%A1%E3%83%BB%E3%82%A8%E3%83%B3%E3%82%AF%E3%83%AB%E3%83%9E
以下抜粋：
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クワメ・エンクルマ（Kwame Nkrumah、本名：Francis Nwia Kofia Nkrumah、1909年9月21日 - 1972年4月27日）は、政治家。ガーナ初代大統領。ガーナの独立運動を指揮し、アフリカの独立運動の父といわれる。マルクス主義者。日本語では姓がンクルマと表記される場合もある。エンクルマは語頭で「ン」を発音することができない英語での読み方。
前半生
エンクルマは1909年9月21日、イギリス領の植民地ゴールド・コーストの西部海岸にあるンクロフルにて[1]、アカン人のサブグループであるンズイマ人（ンゼマ人）の鍛冶屋の家に生まれる。ガーナ南部のアカン人のあいだでは生まれた曜日と性別によって自動的に名前が決まるため、土曜日に生まれた男児である彼にはクワメの名がつけられた[2]。1927年に首都アクラのアチモタ・スクールに入学し、1930年に卒業後[3]、エルミナのローマ・カトリックの小神学校の教師となり、1年後にはアクシムのカトリックの学校で教鞭をとり、さらに2年後には近郊のアミサノで神学校教師となった[4]。幼少より成績優秀だったため、1935年、親族に借金してセコンディ・タコラディ港からアメリカ合衆国に渡り、リンカーン大学に入学した。
1935年、イタリアのエチオピア侵攻を聞いて激怒し、植民地制度の打倒を志す。奨学金を取りながら苦学し、1942年、ペンシルベニア大学大学院にて教育学の修士号を、翌年には哲学の修士号を取得[5]。この間、アメリカやカナダに滞在するアフリカ人留学生の組織化につとめた。このころ、マーカス・ガーベイやC・L・R・ジェームズ、W・E・B・デュボイスの思想に影響を受け、パン・アフリカ主義の立場をとるようになった。1945年5月にはイギリスに渡り、ロンドンで西アフリカ学生同盟の副会長に就任[6]して、宗主国で優遇されるアフリカ出身のエリートの説得に奔走した。同年、マンチェスターで開かれた第五回パン・アフリカ会議ではのちに盟友となるジョージ・パドモアと共に書記を務めた。この会議にはエンクルマのほか、ケニアのジョモ・ケニヤッタ、マラウイのヘイスティングズ・カムズ・バンダ、ナイジェリアのオバフェミ・アウォロウォなどアフリカ大陸の独立指導者が多く参加し、これまでの欧米在住の黒人にかわってアフリカ大陸出身者がパンアフリカニズムの中心となるきっかけとなった。また、この時に国際会議事務局が設置され、エンクルマとパドモアが書記に、ケニヤッタが書記補に就任した[7]。 第二次世界大戦後、エンクルマの故国である英領ゴールドコーストでは自治権要求運動がさかんになった。そんな中、1947年に植民地エリートや伝統首長を中心に連合ゴールドコースト会議が結成されると、結成メンバーの一人でアメリカ時代のエンクルマの同志であった弁護士アコ=アジェイがエンクルマを招請し、同年12月エンクルマは帰国し、連合ゴールドコースト会議の事務局長に就任した。
1948年1月、おりからの物価高騰などにより不満を爆発させた市民が首都アクラでヨーロッパ商品の不買運動を始め、2月には暴動に発展した。この暴動は連合ゴールドコースト会議が起こしたものではなかったが、植民地当局は同党が煽動をおこなったとして、党の首脳部6人（エンクルマ、エマニュエル・オベツェビ＝ランプティ、J.B.ダンカ、エドワード・アクフォ＝アド、ウィリアム・オフォリ＝アタ、エベネゼル・アコ=アジェイ）の6人を逮捕した。しかしこれにより同党の人気はさらに高まった。
これに驚いた宗主国イギリスは調査団をゴールドコーストに派遣し、調査団は自治の拡大とアフリカ人主体の立法評議会の設置を提言した。この提言に対しもともと富裕層中心で穏健だった連合ゴールドコースト会議は賛成したが、エンクルマは即時自治の要求を掲げて党首脳部と対立し、1949年にはエンクルマは脱党して新党である会議人民党を結成し、ストライキやボイコットといった強硬な政策を中心とした「ポジティブ・アクション」を打ち出した。これにより会議人民党は下層住民の支持を受け、党勢は急速に拡大。1950年1月には即時自治を求めてデモを行い、デモ隊と警官隊が衝突した。この責任を問われ逮捕されるが、調査団の提言を元に制定された1951年憲法のもとでおこなわれた1951年2月の選挙で改選38議席中34議席を占める大勝利で会議人民党は第一党となり、獄中から立候補していたエンクルマも当選し、釈放された。会議人民党が議会の多数を占めたため、チャールズ・アーデン・クラーク総督はエンクルマに組閣を命じ、エンクルマは政府事務主席の座に就いた。
政府事務主席の座に就くと、エンクルマは交渉による平和的な方法でのイギリスからの独立に方針を転換した。1952年には政府事務主席を首相と改称し、初代英領ゴールド・コースト首相となる。1954年には新憲法を制定して国内の自治をイギリスに認めさせ、同年新憲法下でおこなわれた選挙においても会議人民党は104議席中72議席を獲得して圧勝。独立はこれによりほぼ規定路線となった。
しかし、中央集権的な政権を目指すエンクルマに対し、旧来の大王国を持ち経済的にもゴールドコーストで最も豊かなアシャンティ地方が反発。暴動が勃発し、英国政府は独立の前に総選挙をおこなって民意を確定することを求めた。1956年に行われた選挙で、ダンカやコフィ・ブシアが率いる旧アシャンティ王国を地盤とする国民解放運動はアシャンティ以外で議席を伸ばせず、会議人民党政権は信任を受けた形となった。同年、国連信託統治領トーゴランドの帰属を確認する住民投票が行われ、北部ではゴールドコーストへの統合、エウェ人の多い南部ではフランス領トーゴとの統合を求める票が多かったが、全体としてはゴールドコーストとの統合票が過半数となり、国連信託統治領トーゴランドは英領ゴールドコーストへと統合された[8]。
そして、1957年にゴールドコーストは英領トーゴランドと共にイギリスより英連邦王国内の立憲君主国として独立、国号を西アフリカ最初の大王国であったガーナ王国にちなんでガーナと名づけ、エンクルマは初代ガーナ共和国首相に就任した。
独立運動
第二次世界大戦後、エンクルマの故国である英領ゴールドコーストでは自治権要求運動がさかんになった。そんな中、1947年に植民地エリートや伝統首長を中心に連合ゴールドコースト会議が結成されると、結成メンバーの一人でアメリカ時代のエンクルマの同志であった弁護士アコ=アジェイがエンクルマを招請し、同年12月エンクルマは帰国し、連合ゴールドコースト会議の事務局長に就任した。
1948年1月、おりからの物価高騰などにより不満を爆発させた市民が首都アクラでヨーロッパ商品の不買運動を始め、2月には暴動に発展した。この暴動は連合ゴールドコースト会議が起こしたものではなかったが、植民地当局は同党が煽動をおこなったとして、党の首脳部6人（エンクルマ、エマニュエル・オベツェビ＝ランプティ、J.B.ダンカ、エドワード・アクフォ＝アド、ウィリアム・オフォリ＝アタ、エベネゼル・アコ=アジェイ）の6人を逮捕した。しかしこれにより同党の人気はさらに高まった。
これに驚いた宗主国イギリスは調査団をゴールドコーストに派遣し、調査団は自治の拡大とアフリカ人主体の立法評議会の設置を提言した。この提言に対しもともと富裕層中心で穏健だった連合ゴールドコースト会議は賛成したが、エンクルマは即時自治の要求を掲げて党首脳部と対立し、1949年にはエンクルマは脱党して新党である会議人民党を結成し、ストライキやボイコットといった強硬な政策を中心とした「ポジティブ・アクション」を打ち出した。これにより会議人民党は下層住民の支持を受け、党勢は急速に拡大。1950年1月には即時自治を求めてデモを行い、デモ隊と警官隊が衝突した。この責任を問われ逮捕されるが、調査団の提言を元に制定された1951年憲法のもとでおこなわれた1951年2月の選挙で改選38議席中34議席を占める大勝利で会議人民党は第一党となり、獄中から立候補していたエンクルマも当選し、釈放された。会議人民党が議会の多数を占めたため、チャールズ・アーデン・クラーク総督はエンクルマに組閣を命じ、エンクルマは政府事務主席の座に就いた。
政府事務主席の座に就くと、エンクルマは交渉による平和的な方法でのイギリスからの独立に方針を転換した。1952年には政府事務主席を首相と改称し、初代英領ゴールド・コースト首相となる。1954年には新憲法を制定して国内の自治をイギリスに認めさせ、同年新憲法下でおこなわれた選挙においても会議人民党は104議席中72議席を獲得して圧勝。独立はこれによりほぼ規定路線となった。
しかし、中央集権的な政権を目指すエンクルマに対し、旧来の大王国を持ち経済的にもゴールドコーストで最も豊かなアシャンティ地方が反発。暴動が勃発し、英国政府は独立の前に総選挙をおこなって民意を確定することを求めた。1956年に行われた選挙で、ダンカやコフィ・ブシアが率いる旧アシャンティ王国を地盤とする国民解放運動はアシャンティ以外で議席を伸ばせず、会議人民党政権は信任を受けた形となった。同年、国連信託統治領トーゴランドの帰属を確認する住民投票が行われ、北部ではゴールドコーストへの統合、エウェ人の多い南部ではフランス領トーゴとの統合を求める票が多かったが、全体としてはゴールドコーストとの統合票が過半数となり、国連信託統治領トーゴランドは英領ゴールドコーストへと統合された[8]。
そして、1957年にゴールドコーストは英領トーゴランドと共にイギリスより英連邦王国内の立憲君主国として独立、国号を西アフリカ最初の大王国であったガーナ王国にちなんでガーナと名づけ、エンクルマは初代ガーナ共和国首相に就任した。
独立後
外交
エンクルマは政権の座に就くと、何よりもまずパン・アフリカ主義のもとアフリカ諸国の独立支援と国家間の連帯に力を入れた。まず同志であるパドモアをガーナへと招聘し、外交政策におけるブレーンとした。パドモアは1959年に死去するまでガーナにとどまった。1958年4月にはアパルトヘイト体制下にあった白人国家南アフリカ連邦を除く当時のアフリカの全独立国家8カ国（エジプト、リビア、チュニジア、モロッコ、スーダン、エチオピア、リベリア、ガーナ）の首脳をアクラに招き、アフリカ独立諸国会議（CIAS)を開催した[9]。1958年10月にギニアがフランスと対立して独立した際には借款を与えて支援を行った[10]。同じくパン・アフリカ主義を唱えるギニアの指導者セク・トゥーレとは協力関係を深め、11月にアフリカ合衆連合、（1958年–1962年）を結成して統合の度を深めた。さらに1958年12月、未独立地域も含めたアフリカ各地の指導者を首都アクラに集め、パドモアと共に全アフリカ人民会議（AAPC)を開催し[11]、パトリス・ルムンバらに大きな影響を与えた。またアフリカを統一国家とするアフリカ合衆国の構想も謳われた。しかし、1960年1月チュニジアで開かれた第二回会議では、独立要求こそ謳われたが、アフリカ統一に関する議論はほとんど行なわれなかった。
1960年のアフリカの年を皮切りに、アフリカには多くの新独立国が誕生したが、アフリカ統一をめぐって大きく2つのグループに分かれるようになった。ガーナやギニア、マリ、モロッコといったアフリカ統一と社会主義を基本とするグループは、1961年1月に独立戦争中のアルジェリアを含めカサブランカ-アフリカ憲章を採択し、カサブランカ・グループを形成。緩やかな統合と欧米との友好を基本とする、リベリアや、コートジボワールをはじめとする旧フランス植民地のほとんど、ナイジェリアといったモンロビア・グループと対立した。マリ連邦崩壊後、やはりパンアフリカニストのモディボ・ケイタ率いるマリ共和国と、ガーナ・ギニアは関係を深め、1961年4月にはアフリカ合衆連合にマリが加盟する。しかし新独立国家群の大半は欧米との友好関係を重視するモンロビア・グループに属した。1961年のコンゴ動乱では、パトリス・ルムンバを支援するカサブランカ・グループと欧米よりの姿勢をとるモンロビア・グループの間で対立が激化した。しかしやがてエチオピアのハイレ・セラシエ1世の介入で和解、1963年にはアジスアベバで折衝案を盛り込んだアフリカ統一機構（OAU）が設立された[12]。政治的統一は排除されたが、アフリカ諸国の相互援助は謳われた。
1961年にはW・E・B・デュボイスをガーナに招き、エンサイクロペディア・アフリカーナの編纂を依頼した[13]。デュボイスはガーナへと帰化し、1963年に亡くなるまでガーナに住んだ。また、非同盟主義をかかげるインドのジャワハルラール・ネルーやユーゴスラビアのチトーとも協力関係をとり、1961年9月にベオグラードで開かれた第一回非同盟諸国首脳会議にも参加して非同盟主義の主唱者のひとりとなった。1962年には、共産主義者としてソヴィエト連邦よりレーニン平和賞が贈られている。1965年10月21日にはアフリカ統一機構の第3代議長に就任したが、クーデター（後述）によって1966年2月24日にその職を離れた。
このようにエンクルマは植民地支配を受ける地域や独立間もない国家への支援を積極的に行ったが、これは内政の停滞を招き、結果的にゴールドコースト時代、アフリカで最も先進的だったガーナの財政を傾ける原因の一つとなった。
内政
内政においては中央集権を進め、各地の伝統首長や地方勢力と対立した。地方勢力や伝統首長層を制肘するため、1957年に独立するとすぐに差別廃止法が制定され、人種、出身、宗教を基盤とする政党は結成を禁止された[14]。これは、エンクルマの与党である会議人民党が全国的な組織を持つのに対し、主要野党である国民解放運動は旧アシャンティ王国を基盤とし、トーゴランド会議が旧トーゴランド国連信託統治領のエウェ人を、北部人民党が北部の首長層を、ムスリム協会党がイスラム教徒を基盤としたため、与党にとって有利な法律であった。また、伝統首長に就任するには会議人民党の承認が必要になり、さらに伝統首長のポストはこの時代に大増設され、会議人民党に従順なもののみが就任を許された。これによりかつてゴールドコースト政界の主導権を握っていた伝統首長層の政治力は大幅に削減された。さらにカカオの栽培と金の産出によって国内で最も富み、王国の歴史があって独立心が強く、反エンクルマの傾向の強い有力州アシャンティ州については、アシャンティ人に従属していた州北部のブロン人とアハホ人を説得し、1958年にブロング＝アハフォ州として独立させることで州の力を削いだ[15]。
これに対し、野党は団結して統一党を結成し、ダンカとブシアを指導者としてエンクルマに対抗したが、エンクルマは1958年に予防拘禁法を国会で通過させた。これは裁判無しでの投獄を可能とするもので、これによって統一党の主導者層は軒並み逮捕され、のちにダンカは獄死、ブシアはイギリスへの亡命を余儀なくされた。これによって対抗者を権力で抑圧し、エンクルマ政権は独裁化の道を歩み始める。1960年7月には共和制を採用し、エンクルマは初代大統領に就任した。こののちも独裁化は止まらず、1961年には物価の高騰や賃金への不満によってデモを起こした工場労働者たちを逮捕し、デモを禁止してしまった。政権を取るまではデモ戦術を多用し利用したエンクルマが、政権を奪取した後に一転してそれを弾圧したことは、支持者の間に深刻な不満を募らせることとなった[16]。1962年の8月と9月にはエンクルマの暗殺未遂が起こっている。これによって不安を感じたエンクルマは、軍とは別個の組織として大統領警護隊を組織したが、これは第2の軍の成立に不満を持った正規軍との間に不和を生じさせる原因となった[17]。このころには大統領官邸は鉄条網に囲まれた上に厳重な警戒にもとに置かれるようになっていた[18]。さらにエンクルマは個人崇拝を強制するようになり、また暗殺を恐れて会議などでは必ず壁を背にして座るようになった[19]。1964年1月にはついに野党を禁止し、ガーナは一党独裁制国家となった。
経済
エンクルマは独立と同時に、後にアフリカ系初のノーベル経済学賞受賞者となるアーサー・ルイスを招聘し経済顧問とした。しかし、独立小農の育成支援による農業革命を目指すルイスと都市と工業化を重視するエンクルマとは意見が合わず、翌1958年にはルイスはガーナを去り[20]、以後経済政策においてエンクルマを制肘できる者はいなくなった。
エンクルマ政権の経済政策は、巨大プロジェクトの推進や機械化された大規模集団農場の設立、政府系企業の設立などを中心とした国家主導型の開発政策をとった。ヴォルタ川に巨大なアコソンボダムで世界最大の人造湖ヴォルタ湖をつくり、その電力によってテマに建設されたアルミニウム精錬工場などのコンビナートを稼動させ外貨を得るという計画は、1962年1月に着工し、1966年に建設及び稼動には成功したものの予想を下回る成果しか得られなかったが、この計画はエンクルマ政権のプロジェクトの中で最も成功した部類に入る。工業化を目指して設立された政府系企業は機能せず、会議人民党に近い人々が利権を貪る場となった。これは、ガーナには自立した独立小農は多かったものの、企業家層および技術者が絶対的に不足しており、工業化を推進する条件が整っていなかったことによる。集団農場政策も失敗に終わった。カカオはもともと小規模農家でも充分に採算が取れる作物であり、集団化させる必然性に乏しい。そのうえ国営農場は非常に非効率であり、機械化に要した費用も経済の重荷となった。
一方、独立前のゴールドコースト経済を支えていた独立小農に対しては、ほとんど支援を与えず、逆に彼らの犠牲の元で経済成長を進める方針を採った。この方針を可能にしたのが、1947年に設立されたカカオ・マーケティング・ボード（カカオ流通公社）である。この機構はゴールドコーストで生産されたカカオをすべて買い取り輸出するために設けられたものであり、本来はそれによってカカオの価格変動を抑え安定した収入をカカオ農家にもたらすためのものであった。しかし、エンクルマは政権の座に就くとこのカカオ買取価格を低く抑え、差額を国家の収入として積極的に活用し始めた[21]。すでに独立以前、1954年にはカカオの生産者価格を凍結する法案を植民地議会に提出し、可決させている。これはカカオの主要生産者であったアシャンティ人の態度を硬化させることにもつながり、1956年の選挙において価格引き上げがブシアやダンカの選挙スローガンともなったが、他地方の票によってこの主張は敗れ去ってしまった[22]。このことは、ガーナ経済の最大の強みであった意欲ある独立小農の意欲を大幅に減退させた。集団農場の失敗と独立小農の失望によりカカオの生産高は減少し、それとともにガーナ経済も衰退していった。外貨準備は1957年に2億イギリス・ポンドあり、負債は2000万ポンドに過ぎなかったが、1965年には外貨準備は0に、負債は4億イギリス・ポンドに達した[23]。この経済混乱はエンクルマ失脚後にも尾を引き、1960年から1979年までのガーナ経済の年平均経済成長率は-0.8%となり、独立直後と比べて大幅に経済が縮小した。[24]
こうした動きによって欧米諸国のガーナへの援助が滞るようになると、エンクルマはもともとのアフリカ社会主義思想をさらに急進化させ、ソヴィエト連邦や中華人民共和国といった社会主義国に接近するようになった。しかしこの動きはアメリカやヨーロッパ諸国をさらに硬化させることにつながった。
その他
軍事においては、ゴールドコースト植民地軍であった王立西アフリカ前線軍を引き継いでガーナ軍を設立し、1958年に国家安全保障委員会を設立して軍を積極的に拡張した。軍内においてはほかの公務員と同じく急速なアフリカ人化を進め、独立前の1956年には将校団212名中イギリス人が184名、ガーナ人が28名であったのが、1961年にはすべてのイギリス人将校が解雇され、将校団はすべてガーナ人に置き換えられた。エンクルマ政権の独裁化にともない軍は大きな力を持つようになったが、上記のように暗殺未遂が多発する中でエンクルマは大統領警護隊の設置と拡張に踏み切るとともに軍内の粛清を始めたため、軍内の反エンクルマ勢力が急速に力をつけ、1966年のクーデターにつながることとなった[25]。
教育においては、クマシにおかれていたクマシ工科カレッジを改組し、1961年8月22日にクマシにてクワメ・エンクルマ科学技術大学を開校した。
通貨においては、独立以前の西アフリカ・ポンドを1958年に独自通貨であるガーナ・ポンドへと変更した。その後、1965年には十進法化を目的として再び通貨改革を行い、新通貨セディが導入された。
失脚と死
1966年2月24日、北京とハノイへ外遊中に、CIAに支援[26][27][28]されたエマヌエル・コトカ大佐とアクワシ・アフリファ少佐による軍事クーデターが起こり、エンクルマは失脚し、政治的に近かったセク・トゥーレ率いるギニアへの亡命を余儀なくされた。ギニアでは賓客として遇され、回顧録の執筆や薔薇の栽培などをして過ごした。そして亡命から6年後の1972年4月27日、療養のため訪れたルーマニアのブカレストで癌により病死した。[29]遺体は出生地であるンクロフルに埋葬するためガーナへと送り返され、当時の国家元首であるイグナティウス・アチャンポンほか2万人が葬儀に参列した。[30]
死後
エンクルマ失脚後、1969年には選挙と民政移管が行われ、エンクルマの政敵であったコフィ・ブシアが大統領となったが、このときの選挙ではエンクルマの与党であった会議人民党の要職にいたものは選挙資格を剥奪されていた。1972年にはブシア政権も倒れ、軍事政権が幾度か交代した後、1979年にジェリー・ローリングスのクーデターによって再び民政移管が行われ、エンクルマ派の人民国家党のヒラ・リマンが大統領となったが、失政を重ねて1981年にローリングスが再びクーデターを起こして軍事政権となった。ローリングス時代にエンクルマ派は分裂を重ねて弱体化し、再び民主化された1996年の選挙においては全派あわせて6議席しかとれず、新愛国党と国民民主会議の二大政党制が定着する中でエンクルマ派は埋没していった。
21世紀に入った現在、ガーナ国内におけるエンクルマの評価は2つに分かれている。ガーナ独立の英雄として、建国の父として若い世代中心に人気が高い一方、エンクルマ時代を経験した世代には経済の混乱や独裁政治によってあまりいいイメージをもっていないものも多い。
エンクルマの墓は出生地である沿岸部のンクロフル村にあるが、遺骨は首都アクラへと移され、アクラ中心部に巨大なクワメ・エンクルマ廟が建設されてそこに安置されている。
ガーナの独自通貨として1965年にセディが導入された時には、すべての硬貨と最高額の1000セディ札を除くすべての紙幣にエンクルマの肖像が使用されていたが、1967年に発行された紙幣では失脚に伴いすべてデザインから排除された。その後、1998年に10000セディ札が発行されると、ガーナ独立の6偉人（ビッグ・シックス。エンクルマ、エマニュエル・オベツェビ＝ランプティ、J.B.ダンカ、エドワード・アクフォ＝アド、ウィリアム・オフォリ＝アタ、エベネゼル・アコ=アジェイ）の一人として、集合像の中で復活した。2007年にセディのデノミが行われると、すべての紙幣（1,5,10,20,50）セディ紙幣に6偉人像が使用された。さらに2010年、新しく発行された2セディ紙幣には単独の肖像が使用されることとなった。
最終更新 2014年1月28日 (火)
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Barack Obama was born to a white American mother, Ann Dunham, and a black Kenyan father,Barack Obama Sr., who were both young college students at the University of Hawaii. When his father left for Harvard, she and Barack stayed behind, and his father ultimately returned alone to Kenya, where he worked as a government economist. Barack's mother remarried an Indonesian oil manager and moved to Jakarta when Barack was six. He later recounted Indonesia as simultaneously lush and a harrowing exposure to tropical poverty. He returned to Hawaii, where he was brought up largely by his grandparents. The family lived in a small apartment - his grandfather was a furniture salesman and an unsuccessful insurance agent and his grandmother worked in a bank - but Barack managed to get into Punahou School, Hawaii's top prep academy. His father wrote to him regularly but, though he traveled around the world on official business for Kenya, he visited only once, when Barack was ten.
In 2004 Obama was elected to the U.S. Senate as a Democrat, representing Illinois, and he gained national attention by giving a rousing and well-received keynote speech at the Democratic National Convention in Boston. In 2008 he ran for President, and despite having only four years of national political experience, he won. In January 2009, he was sworn in as the 44th President of the United States, and the first African-American ever elected to that position. Obama was reelected to a second term in November 2012.
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Senator Obama Goes to Africa
アップロード日: 2007/12/12
Buy the DVD: http://bit.ly/RE10Hi
ABOUT THIS FILM: Barack Obama returns to his family's roots on an emotional journey to Kisumu, Kenya - land of his father - in this new documentary.
Part personal odyssey and part chronicle of diplomacy in action, this timely documentary follows Senator Barack Obama as he travels to the land of his ancestry. From South Africa to Kenya to a Darfur refugee camp in Chad, Obama explores the vast continent that is gaining increasing importance in this age of globalization.
The heart of the film is Obama's emotional homecoming to Kisumu, Kenya - his father's former home - where thousands of people turn out to greet him. In South Africa, we follow Senator Obama on a trip to Robben Island - the infamous prison where Nelson Mandela was jailed for 21 years. At a Darfur refugee camp in Chad, we see, through Obama's eyes, the devastating effects of genocide.
Throughout it all, Senator Obama narrates the film, giving his own perspective on the journey and the significance of Africa to U.S. interests.
Additional perspective is included through interviews with experts on African affairs as well as with U.S. political commentators.
ABOUT THIS FILM: Barack Obama returns to his family's roots on an emotional journey to Kisumu, Kenya - land of his father - in this new documentary.
Part personal odyssey and part chronicle of diplomacy in action, this timely documentary follows Senator Barack Obama as he travels to the land of his ancestry. From South Africa to Kenya to a Darfur refugee camp in Chad, Obama explores the vast continent that is gaining increasing importance in this age of globalization.
The heart of the film is Obama's emotional homecoming to Kisumu, Kenya - his father's former home - where thousands of people turn out to greet him. In South Africa, we follow Senator Obama on a trip to Robben Island - the infamous prison where Nelson Mandela was jailed for 21 years. At a Darfur refugee camp in Chad, we see, through Obama's eyes, the devastating effects of genocide.
Throughout it all, Senator Obama narrates the film, giving his own perspective on the journey and the significance of Africa to U.S. interests.
Additional perspective is included through interviews with experts on African affairs as well as with U.S. political commentators.
Obama's Kenyan Family
アップロード日: 2008/04/27
Freelance Foreign correspondent Todd Baer and South African camerman Adile Cook travel to Kenya for an exclusive interview with Barack Obama's grandmother. Watch this fascinating and brilliantly produced story on Obama's family and his ancestral home village
Obama and Odinga Campaign in Kenya
アップロード日: 2008/10/10
Obama and Odinga Campaign in Kenya before Election
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Young Leaders From Africa Question President Obama
アップロード日: 2010/08/04
President Obama holds a town hall meeting with Young African Leaders from over 50 countries about the future of Africa in an interconnected world and the role of the United States as a partner with African nations. He is questioned by young leaders from Mali, Liberia, Mozambique, Malawi, Ghana, Zimbabwe, and Somalia
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History of Africa's Slave Trade (Obama's Visit to Ghana)
公開日: 2012/09/29
History of Africa's Slave Trade (Obama's Visit to Ghana) / The Ancient Empire of Ghana was heavily impacted by the first Europeans who made their way to Africa, which were the Portuguese in 1471. They came in pursuit of gold and this led to the start of the African slave trade, which the Europeans incorporated themselves in. The British fought for control over what was then known as the Guinea coast, which was the Ancient Empire of Ghana. The British successfully won control and renamed it the Gold Coast. The Ashanti kingdom was the last section to be incorporated in the British Gold Coast and brought under British rule. They were reluctant to give into British rule, and also to give away the ancient golden stool that the British were so desperately eager to acquire from them once they got to know of it. So one female warrior named Yaa Asantewaa was determined to defend the Ashanti kingdom and make sure that the golden stool would not get into the hands of the British colonial power. Nana Prempeh the first at the time had ascended the throne as the new Ashanti hene. In 1874, the Gold Coast became an official British colony. As a result of opposing colonial rule, both Yaa Asantewaa and Prempeh were sent to an island east of mainland Africa called Seychelles in exile. Yaa Asantewaa died in exile in 1921, but Nana Prempeh managed to survive and was allowed by the British to return to the Gold Coast which was in 1924, 3 years after Yaa Asantewaa's death. The slave trade in Africa made its way to North America where the African diaspora began. Slaves were working on plantations in the south and picking cotton. This led to Harriet Tubman's secret underground railroad discovery, which many slaves used as a way to escape from their slave masters. Slaves who were brought from Africa in ships were treated very horribly once they arrived in America, and even while they were on their way coming in the ships they were treated badly and living in deplorable conditions. Many were chained and shackled together. While in America over the years fighting for equal rights, it sparked the civil rights movement. This brought great civil rights leaders like Jesse Jackson, Malcolm X, Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., among many others. Recently the first Black democratically President visited Ghana and also went to see Cape Coast castle, a place where many slaves were kept in order to be brought onto the ships which shipped them off. He chose Ghana as the first country to visit in Sub-Saharan Africa since becoming President, and of course Africa as a whole. Many saw him as acknowledging and realizing Ghana's political and economic stability over other countries in Africa. He even chose Ghana over his father's home country Kenya. It was then discovered that Ghana had become some sort of a pilgrimage for many African Americans who were and are interested in learning about the history of the slave trade.
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Obama's Presidency and its Impact on Africa and the Global African
公開日: 2012/03/25
REVIVAL OF PAN-AFRICANISM FORUM
Saturday, March 24, 2012 at 3:45 pm
Place: Hilton Hotel, 1750 Rockville Pike, Rockville, MD 20852
(Across from the Twinbrook Metro station (Red Line) Rockville, MD)
Speaker: Molefi Kete Asante, Ph.D., Professor, author, renowned scholar, and philosophical founder of the concept of Afrocentricity, Dr. Molefi Kete Asante is the guest speaker to discuss Obama's rise and impact on Africa and the African Diaspora.
Contact: Gnaka Lagoke (panafrica.now@gmail.com)
Saturday, March 24, 2012 at 3:45 pm
Place: Hilton Hotel, 1750 Rockville Pike, Rockville, MD 20852
(Across from the Twinbrook Metro station (Red Line) Rockville, MD)
Speaker: Molefi Kete Asante, Ph.D., Professor, author, renowned scholar, and philosophical founder of the concept of Afrocentricity, Dr. Molefi Kete Asante is the guest speaker to discuss Obama's rise and impact on Africa and the African Diaspora.
Contact: Gnaka Lagoke (panafrica.now@gmail.com)
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1960 Democratic National Convention, 15 July 1960
http://www.jfklibrary.org/Asset-Viewer/AS08q5oYz0SFUZg9uOi4iw.aspx
Accession Number: TNC:191
Title: 1960 Democratic National Convention, 15 July 1960
Date(s) of Materials: 15 July 1960
Description: This is a motion picture of Presidential candidate John F. Kennedy's acceptance speech at the 1960 Democratic National Convention in the Los Angeles Memorial Coliseum, Los Angeles, California. This film reel covers 11:00-11:25 P.M. on July 15, 1960. The speech later became known as "The New Frontier." In his remarks, then Senator Kennedy famously states, "The New Frontier of which I speak is not a set of promises-- it is a set of challenges. It sums up not what I intend to offer the American people, but what I intend to ask of them." After the speech Senator Kennedy speaks to Democratic leaders on the speaker's platform. Leo J. Muir of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints pronounces the Benediction.
Physical Description: 1 film reel (black-and-white; sound; 16 mm; 938 feet; 26 minutes)
Running Time (Minutes): 26
Media Type: Film Reel
Footage: 938
Copyright Status: Copyright (C) John F. Kennedy Library Foundation, Inc.
Digital Identifier: TNC-191-E5
http://www.jfklibrary.org/Asset-Viewer/AS08q5oYz0SFUZg9uOi4iw.aspx
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Governor Stevenson, Senator Johnson, Mr. Butler, Senator Symington, Senator Humphrey, Speaker Rayburn, Fellow Democrats, I want to express my thanks to Governor Stevenson for his generous and heart-warming introduction.
It was my great honor to place his name in nomination at the 1956 Democratic Convention, and I am delighted to have his support and his counsel and his advice in the coming months ahead.
With a deep sense of duty and high resolve, I accept your nomination.
I accept it with a full and grateful heart--without reservation-- and with only one obligation--the obligation to devote every effort of body, mind and spirit to lead our Party back to victory and our Nation back to greatness.
I am grateful, too, that you have provided me with such an eloquent statement of our Party's platform. Pledges which are made so eloquently are made to be kept. "The Rights of Man"--the civil and economic rights essential to the human dignity of all men--are indeed our goal and our first principles. This is a Platform on which I can run with enthusiasm and conviction.
And I am grateful, finally, that I can rely in the coming months on so many others--on a distinguished running-mate who brings unity to our ticket and strength to our Platform, Lyndon Johnson--on one of the most articulate statesmen of our time, Adlai Stevenson--on a great spokesman for our needs as a Nation and a people, Stuart Symington--and on that fighting campaigner whose support I welcome, President Harry S. Truman-- on my traveling companion in Wisconsin and West Virginia, Senator Hubert Humphrey. On Paul Butler, our devoted and courageous Chairman.
I feel a lot safer now that they are on my side again. And I am proud of the contrast with our Republican competitors. For their ranks are apparently so thin that not one challenger has come forth with both the competence and the courage to make theirs an open convention.
I am fully aware of the fact that the Democratic Party, by nominating someone of my faith, has taken on what many regard as a new and hazardous risk--new, at least since 1928. But I look at it this way: the Democratic Party has once again placed its confidence in the American people, and in their ability to render a free, fair judgment. And you have, at the same time, placed your confidence in me, and in my ability to render a free, fair judgment--to uphold the Constitution and my oath of office--and to reject any kind of religious pressure or obligation that might directly or indirectly interfere with my conduct of the Presidency in the national interest. My record of fourteen years supporting public education--supporting complete separation of church and state--and resisting pressure from any source on any issue should be clear by now to everyone.
I hope that no American, considering the really critical issues facing this country, will waste his franchise by voting either for me or against me solely on account of my religious affiliation. It is not relevant. I want to stress, what some other political or religious leader may have said on this subject. It is not relevant what abuses may have existed in other countries or in other times. It is not relevant what pressures, if any, might conceivably be brought to bear on me. I am telling you now what you are entitled to know: that my decisions on any public policy will be my own--as an American, a Democrat and a free man.
Under any circumstances, however, the victory we seek in November will not be easy. We all know that in our hearts. We recognize the power of the forces that will be aligned against us. We know they will invoke the name of Abraham Lincoln on behalf of their candidate--despite the fact that the political career of their candidate has often seemed to show charity toward none and malice for all.
We know that it will not be easy to campaign against a man who has spoken or voted on every known side of every known issue. Mr. Nixon may feel it is his turn now, after the New Deal and the Fair Deal--but before he deals, someone had better cut the cards.
That "someone" may be the millions of Americans who voted for President Eisenhower but balk at his would be, self-appointed successor. For just as historians tell us that Richard I was not fit to fill the shoes of bold Henry II--and that Richard Cromwell was not fit to wear the mantle of his uncle--they might add in future years that Richard Nixon did not measure to the footsteps of Dwight D. Eisenhower.
Perhaps he could carry on the party policies--the policies of Nixon, Benson, Dirksen and Goldwater. But this Nation cannot afford such a luxury. Perhaps we could better afford a Coolidge following Harding. And perhaps we could afford a Pierce following Fillmore. But after Buchanan this nation needed a Lincoln--after Taft we needed a Wilson-- after Hoover we needed Franklin Roosevelt. . . . And after eight years of drugged and fitful sleep, this nation needs strong, creative Democratic leadership in the White House.
But we are not merely running against Mr. Nixon. Our task is not merely one of itemizing Republican failures. Nor is that wholly necessary. For the families forced from the farm will know how to vote without our telling them. The unemployed miners and textile workers will know how to vote. The old people without medical care--the families without a decent home--the parents of children without adequate food or schools--they all know that it's time for a change.
But I think the American people expect more from us than cries of indignation and attack. The times are too grave, the challenge too urgent, and the stakes too high--to permit the customary passions of political debate. We are not here to curse the darkness, but to light the candle that can guide us through that darkness to a safe and sane future. As Winston Churchill said on taking office some twenty years ago: if we open a quarrel between the present and the past, we shall be in danger of losing the future.
Today our concern must be with that future. For the world is changing. The old era is ending. The old ways will not do.
Abroad, the balance of power is shifting. There are new and more terrible weapons--new and uncertain nations--new pressures of population and deprivation. One-third of the world, it has been said, may be free- -but one-third is the victim of cruel repression--and the other one- third is rocked by the pangs of poverty, hunger and envy. More energy is released by the awakening of these new nations than by the fission of the atom itself.
Meanwhile, Communist influence has penetrated further into Asia, stood astride the Middle East and now festers some ninety miles off the coast of Florida. Friends have slipped into neutrality--and neutrals into hostility. As our keynoter reminded us, the President who began his career by going to Korea ends it by staying away from Japan.
The world has been close to war before--but now man, who has survived all previous threats to his existence, has taken into his mortal hands the power to exterminate the entire species some seven times over.
Here at home, the changing face of the future is equally revolutionary. The New Deal and the Fair Deal were bold measures for their generations--but this is a new generation.
A technological revolution on the farm has led to an output explosion--but we have not yet learned to harness that explosion usefully, while protecting our farmers' right to full parity income.
An urban population explosion has overcrowded our schools, cluttered up our suburbs, and increased the squalor of our slums.
A peaceful revolution for human rights--demanding an end to racial discrimination in all parts of our community life--has strained at the leashes imposed by timid executive leadership.
A medical revolution has extended the life of our elder citizens without providing the dignity and security those later years deserve. And a revolution of automation finds machines replacing men in the mines and mills of America, without replacing their incomes or their training or their needs to pay the family doctor, grocer and landlord.
There has also been a change--a slippage--in our intellectual and moral strength. Seven lean years of drouth and famine have withered a field of ideas. Blight has descended on our regulatory agencies--and a dry rot, beginning in Washington, is seeping into every corner of America--in the payola mentality, the expense account way of life, the confusion between what is legal and what is right. Too many Americans have lost their way, their will and their sense of historic purpose.
It is a time, in short, for a new generation of leadership--new men to cope with new problems and new opportunities.
All over the world, particularly in the newer nations, young men are coming to power--men who are not bound by the traditions of the past--men who are not blinded by the old fears and hates and rivalries-- young men who can cast off the old slogans and delusions and suspicions.
The Republican nominee-to-be, of course, is also a young man. But his approach is as old as McKinley. His party is the party of the past. His speeches are generalities from Poor Richard's Almanac. Their platform, made up of left-over Democratic planks, has the courage of our old convictions. Their pledge is a pledge to the status quo--and today there can be no status quo.
For I stand tonight facing west on what was once the last frontier. From the lands that stretch three thousand miles behind me, the pioneers of old gave up their safety, their comfort and sometimes their lives to build a new world here in the West. They were not the captives of their own doubts, the prisoners of their own price tags. Their motto was not "every man for himself"--but "all for the common cause." They were determined to make that new world strong and free, to overcome its hazards and its hardships, to conquer the enemies that threatened from without and within.
Today some would say that those struggles are all over--that all the horizons have been explored--that all the battles have been won-- that there is no longer an American frontier.
But I trust that no one in this vast assemblage will agree with those sentiments. For the problems are not all solved and the battles are not all won--and we stand today on the edge of a New Frontier--the frontier of the 1960's--a frontier of unknown opportunities and perils-- a frontier of unfulfilled hopes and threats.
Woodrow Wilson's New Freedom promised our nation a new political and economic framework. Franklin Roosevelt's New Deal promised security and succor to those in need. But the New Frontier of which I speak is not a set of promises--it is a set of challenges. It sums up not what I intend to offer the American people, but what I intend to ask of them. It appeals to their pride, not to their pocketbook--it holds out the promise of more sacrifice instead of more security.
But I tell you the New Frontier is here, whether we seek it or not. Beyond that frontier are the uncharted areas of science and space, unsolved problems of peace and war, unconquered pockets of ignorance and prejudice, unanswered questions of poverty and surplus. It would be easier to shrink back from that frontier, to look to the safe mediocrity of the past, to be lulled by good intentions and high rhetoric--and those who prefer that course should not cast their votes for me, regardless of party.
But I believe the times demand new invention, innovation, imagination, decision. I am asking each of you to be pioneers on that New Frontier. My call is to the young in heart, regardless of age--to all who respond to the Scriptural call: "Be strong and of a good courage; be not afraid, neither be thou dismayed."
For courage--not complacency--is our need today--leadership--not salesmanship. And the only valid test of leadership is the ability to lead, and lead vigorously. A tired nation, said David Lloyd George, is a Tory nation--and the United States today cannot afford to be either tired or Tory.
There may be those who wish to hear more--more promises to this group or that--more harsh rhetoric about the men in the Kremlin--more assurances of a golden future, where taxes are always low and subsidies ever high. But my promises are in the platform you have adopted--our ends will not be won by rhetoric and we can have faith in the future only if we have faith in ourselves.
For the harsh facts of the matter are that we stand on this frontier at a turning-point in history. We must prove all over again whether this nation--or any nation so conceived--can long endure--whether our society--with its freedom of choice, its breadth of opportunity, its range of alternatives--can compete with the single-minded advance of the Communist system.
Can a nation organized and governed such as ours endure? That is the real question. Have we the nerve and the will? Can we carry through in an age where we will witness not only new breakthroughs in weapons of destruction--but also a race for mastery of the sky and the rain, the ocean and the tides, the far side of space and the inside of men's minds?
Are we up to the task--are we equal to the challenge? Are we willing to match the Russian sacrifice of the present for the future--or must we sacrifice our future in order to enjoy the present?
That is the question of the New Frontier. That is the choice our nation must make--a choice that lies not merely between two men or two parties, but between the public interest and private comfort--between national greatness and national decline--between the fresh air of progress and the stale, dank atmosphere of "normalcy"--between determined dedication and creeping mediocrity.
All mankind waits upon our decision. A whole world looks to see what we will do. We cannot fail their trust, we cannot fail to try.
It has been a long road from that first snowy day in New Hampshire to this crowded convention city. Now begins another long journey, taking me into your cities and homes all over America. Give me your help, your hand, your voice, your vote. Recall with me the words of Isaiah: "They that wait upon the Lord shall renew their strength; they shall mount up with wings as eagles; they shall run and not be weary."
As we face the coming challenge, we too, shall wait upon the Lord, and ask that he renew our strength. Then shall we be equal to the test. Then we shall not be weary. And then we shall prevail.
Thank you.
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Inaugural Address, 20 January 1961
http://www.jfklibrary.org/Asset-Viewer/BqXIEM9F4024ntFl7SVAjA.aspx
Accession Number: USG-17
Title: Inaugural Address, 20 January 1961
Description: Motion picture of President John F. Kennedy's Inaugural Address in Washington, D.C. Supreme Court Chief Justice Earl Warren administers the oath of office to President Kennedy. Former President Dwight D. Eisenhower and former Vice President Richard M. Nixon congratulate President Kennedy. In his speech President Kennedy urges American citizens to participate in public service and "ask not what your country can do for you--ask what you can do for your country." Vice President Lyndon B. Johnson looks on.
Running Time: 16:00 (16 minutes)
01/20/1961
WO#30806, RG274, records of the White House Signal Agency. John F. Kennedy Presidential Library and Museum, Boston, Massachusetts
Public domain
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http://www.jfklibrary.org/Asset-Viewer/BqXIEM9F4024ntFl7SVAjA.aspx
ジョン・F・ケネディ大統領就任演説
http://www.jfklibrary.org/JFK/Historic-Speeches/Multilingual-Inaugural-Address/Multilingual-Inaugural-Address-in-Japanese.aspx
米国連邦議会議事堂
ワシントンD.C.
1961年1月20日
ジョンソン副大統領、下院議長、最高裁判所長官、アイゼンハワー大統領、ニクソン副大統領、トルーマン大統領、聖職者諸賢、そして国民の皆さん。
今日のこの日を、政党の勝利ではなく、自由を讃える機会として祝福しましょう。これは終わりと始まりの象徴であり、再生と変革の兆しです。なぜなら、私が先ほど皆さんと全能の神の前で誓った言葉は、我々の父祖がおよそ175年前に定めた厳粛な誓いと同じものだからです。
世界は大きく様変わりしました。今日の我々は、あらゆる形の貧困を撲滅する力と、あらゆる形の人間の生命を根絶させる力の両方を、神ならぬこの手に持っています。しかしながら、かつて我々の父祖がそのために戦った革命的な信条、つまり、人間の権利は国家の寛大さによって与えられるものではなく、神から授けられたものであるという信条は、今もなお世界各地で争点となり続けています。
我々は、その最初の革命の継承者であることを忘れてはなりません。今このとき、この場所から、敵味方の区別なく、すべての人に伝えましょう。たいまつはアメリカの新しい世代に渡されました。20世紀に生まれ、戦争で鍛えられ、苦しく困難な平和に身を置き、古来の伝統に誇りを持つ我々は、人間の権利が徐々に奪われていくのを見過ごすことはできません。人権こそ、この国の変わらぬ関心の対象であり、今日の我々が国の内外を問わず力を注いでいるものです。
すべての国々に知らせましょう。アメリカに好意を持つ国にも、そうでない国にも。我々はあらゆる代償を支払い、あらゆる重荷を担い、あらゆる困難に耐え、すべての友を支え、自由の存続と繁栄を妨げるすべての敵と戦う覚悟であるということを。
我々はこれを固く誓います。そして、それだけにとどまりません。
文化的・精神的な源を共有する古くからの盟友に対し、我々は誠実な友として忠誠を誓います。団結しましょう。我々が何度も協力して取り組めば、できないことはないはずです。分裂していれば、できることはほとんどありません。対立し、ばらばらに分裂した状態では、難しい課題に立ち向かうこともできません。
これから新たに自由主義世界に迎える国々に対しては、植民地支配という1つの形が終わり、その代わりにもっと過酷な鉄の専制が始まるという事態にはならないことを約束します。我々の考えがいつも支持されるとは期待していません。ただ、彼らが自らの自由を強く求めること、そして、虎にまたがって権力を握ろうとする者は結局虎に喰われるという昔からの教訓を忘れないことを願っています。
世界の人口の半分を占める、集団的困窮から抜け出そうと懸命にもがいている人々に対しては、彼らの自助努力を支援すべく最大限の努力をすることを誓います。どれだけ長い期間かかるとしてもです。これは共産主義者がそうしているからでも、票集めを狙っているからでもなく、ただそれが正しいことだからです。もし自由な社会で多数の貧困者を救うことができなければ、少数の富裕者を救うこともできません。
国境の南に位置する同朋諸国に対しては、特別な誓いを立てましょう。有言実行を実践すべく、発展のための新しい同盟を結び、自由な民衆と自由な政府が貧困の連鎖から抜け出せるように尽力することを誓います。しかし、この平和的革命の希望が敵対勢力によって絶たれるようなことがあってはなりません。 すべての近隣諸国に伝えねばなりません。我々は南北アメリカ大陸のどこで侵略行為や政権転覆の企みがあったとしても、それに一致協力して対抗する心構えであるということを。そして、他の大国すべてに知らしめましょう。この大陸は自らの領土を自ら支配するのだということを。
世界中の主権国家の集まりである国連は、戦争の手段が平和の手段をはるかに凌駕しているこの時代において、最後に残された希望の光です。我々は国連をただの罵り合いの場にするのではなく、新しい国や弱い国の盾とするべく努め、国連憲章の及ぶ地域が増えるように力を尽くすことを改めて誓います。
最後に、我々に敵対する国家に対しては、誓約ではなく要請をしたいと思います。双方で新たに平和への道を進もうではないかと。科学によって解き放たれた破壊的な力が、意図的にせよ偶発的にせよ、人類を自滅に追い込む前に。
これは弱さからの要請ではありません。我々の軍備が十分であると確信しているからこそ、どうしても軍備を使用すべきでないと確信できるのです。
しかし現在のあり方では、二大陣営のどちらも安心することはできません。どちらの陣営も近代兵器の費用負担に苦しみ、核兵器の着実な拡散に恐れを抱きながらも、人類の最終戦争を食い止めている不安定な恐怖の均衡を崩そうと競争しているのです。
共に新しく始めようではありませんか。礼儀正しい振る舞いは弱さの証しではなく、誠実さは証明すべきものだということを共に心に刻みながら。 恐怖ゆえに交渉してはなりません。しかし、交渉することを恐れてはなりません。
共に考えましょう。我々が団結できる問題は何かを。互いに意見の異なる問題にいつまでもこだわるのではなく。
共に作り上げましょう。兵器の査察と規制に関する初めての本格的かつ詳細な提言を。そして、他国を破壊できる絶対的な力を、すべての国々の絶対的な管理下に置きましょう。
共に努めましょう。科学の恐怖ではなく科学の素晴らしさを呼び覚ますために。互いに力を合わせ、宇宙を探査し、砂漠を征服し、病気を根絶し、深海を開発し、芸術と商業を奨励しましょう。
共に手を取りましょう。預言者イザヤが語った、「くびきの結び目をほどいて虐げられた人を解放し」という言葉が地球上のあらゆる場所で聞かれるように。
そして、もしも双方の協力を足がかりとして不信感を拭うことができたら、新たな勢力均衡を図る代わりに、共に新しい試みに取り組みましょう。それは、法に基づく新しい世界、つまり強い者が法を守り、弱い者が保護され、平和が維持されている世界を作ることです。
このすべてを、最初の100日間で達成することはできないでしょう。1000日でも難しいでしょうし、この在任期間中、あるいはこの地上に我々が生きている間には達成できないかもしれません。それでも、始めようではありませんか。
国民の皆さん、我々の進む道が最終的に成功するか失敗するかは、私自身よりも皆さんにかかっています。建国以来、アメリカの各世代の人々は国家への忠誠の証しとして召集を受けてきました。この召集に応えた若者たちの墓が世界各地に点在しています。
今、我々を召集するラッパが再び鳴り響いています。これは、武器を取れという合図ではありません。戦いの合図でもありません。ただ、我々は武器を用意し、陣容を整えておく必要があります。これは、長く先の見えない戦いの重荷を担えという呼びかけなのです。来る年も来る年も、希望をもって喜びとし、苦難を耐え忍びながら、人類共通の敵である虐政、貧困、病気、そして戦争そのものとの戦いを貫く覚悟が求められています。
これらの敵に対し、世界の東西南北にわたる大同盟を組んで当たり、すべての人の暮らしをいっそう実り豊かなものにすることはできないでしょうか。この歴史的な試みに、皆さんもご参加いただけないでしょうか。
世界の長い歴史の中で、自由が最大の危機に晒されているときに、それを守る役回りを与えられた世代というのは多くありません。私はこの責任を恐れず、喜んで受け入れます。おそらく皆さんも、この役目を他の誰かや他の世代に譲りたいとは思わないでしょう。我々がこの取り組みに注ぎ込む精力と信念、そして献身的な努力は、この国とこの国に奉仕する人々を明るく照らし、その情熱の光は世界を輝かせるはずです。
そして、同胞であるアメリカ市民の皆さん、国があなたのために何をしてくれるかではなく、あなたが国のために何ができるかを考えようではありませんか。
また同胞である世界市民の皆さん、アメリカがあなたのために何をしてくれるかではなく、人類の自由のために共に何ができるかを考えようではありませんか。
最後に、アメリカ市民の皆さんも世界市民の皆さんも、どうぞ我々が皆さんに求めるのと同じ水準の熱意と犠牲を我々に求めてください。良心の喜びを唯一の確かな報酬とし、歴史が我々の行いに正しい審判を下してくれることを信じて、この愛する世界を導いていこうではありませんか。神の祝福とご加護を願いつつ、この地上で神の御業が真に我々のものになることを念じて。
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John F. Kennedy Moon Speech (1962)
アップロード日: 2009/07/16
John F. Kennedy Moon Speech - Rice Stadium
http://er.jsc.nasa.gov/seh/ricetalk.htm
William Bradford, speaking in 1630 of the founding of the Plymouth Bay Colony, said that all great and honorable actions are accompanied with great difficulties, and both must be enterprised and overcome with answerable courage.
If this capsule history of our progress teaches us anything, it is that man, in his quest for knowledge and progress, is determined and cannot be deterred. The exploration of space will go ahead, whether we join in it or not, and it is one of the great adventures of all time, and no nation which expects to be the leader of other nations can expect to stay behind in the race for space.
Those who came before us made certain that this country rode the first waves of the industrial revolutions, the first waves of modern invention, and the first wave of nuclear power, and this generation does not intend to founder in the backwash of the coming age of space. We mean to be a part of it--we mean to lead it. For the eyes of the world now look into space, to the moon and to the planets beyond, and we have vowed that we shall not see it governed by a hostile flag of conquest, but by a banner of freedom and peace. We have vowed that we shall not see space filled with weapons of mass destruction, but with instruments of knowledge and understanding.
Yet the vows of this Nation can only be fulfilled if we in this Nation are first, and, therefore, we intend to be first. In short, our leadership in science and in industry, our hopes for peace and security, our obligations to ourselves as well as others, all require us to make this effort, to solve these mysteries, to solve them for the good of all men, and to become the world's leading space-faring nation.
We set sail on this new sea because there is new knowledge to be gained, and new rights to be won, and they must be won and used for the progress of all people. For space science, like nuclear science and all technology, has no conscience of its own. Whether it will become a force for good or ill depends on man, and only if the United States occupies a position of pre-eminence can we help decide whether this new ocean will be a sea of peace or a new terrifying theater of war. I do not say the we should or will go unprotected against the hostile misuse of space any more than we go unprotected against the hostile use of land or sea, but I do say that space can be explored and mastered without feeding the fires of war, without repeating the mistakes that man has made in extending his writ around this globe of ours.
There is no strife, no prejudice, no national conflict in outer space as yet. Its hazards are hostile to us all. Its conquest deserves the best of all mankind, and its opportunity for peaceful cooperation many never come again. But why, some say, the moon? Why choose this as our goal? And they may well ask why climb the highest mountain? Why, 35 years ago, fly the Atlantic? Why does Rice play Texas?
We choose to go to the moon. We choose to go to the moon in this decade and do the other things, not because they are easy, but because they are hard, because that goal will serve to organize and measure the best of our energies and skills, because that challenge is one that we are willing to accept, one we are unwilling to postpone, and one which we intend to win, and the others, too.
It is for these reasons that I regard the decision last year to shift our efforts in space from low to high gear as among the most important decisions that will be made during my incumbency in the office of the Presidency.
Click to subscribe! http://bit.ly/subAIRBOYD
http://er.jsc.nasa.gov/seh/ricetalk.htm
William Bradford, speaking in 1630 of the founding of the Plymouth Bay Colony, said that all great and honorable actions are accompanied with great difficulties, and both must be enterprised and overcome with answerable courage.
If this capsule history of our progress teaches us anything, it is that man, in his quest for knowledge and progress, is determined and cannot be deterred. The exploration of space will go ahead, whether we join in it or not, and it is one of the great adventures of all time, and no nation which expects to be the leader of other nations can expect to stay behind in the race for space.
Those who came before us made certain that this country rode the first waves of the industrial revolutions, the first waves of modern invention, and the first wave of nuclear power, and this generation does not intend to founder in the backwash of the coming age of space. We mean to be a part of it--we mean to lead it. For the eyes of the world now look into space, to the moon and to the planets beyond, and we have vowed that we shall not see it governed by a hostile flag of conquest, but by a banner of freedom and peace. We have vowed that we shall not see space filled with weapons of mass destruction, but with instruments of knowledge and understanding.
Yet the vows of this Nation can only be fulfilled if we in this Nation are first, and, therefore, we intend to be first. In short, our leadership in science and in industry, our hopes for peace and security, our obligations to ourselves as well as others, all require us to make this effort, to solve these mysteries, to solve them for the good of all men, and to become the world's leading space-faring nation.
We set sail on this new sea because there is new knowledge to be gained, and new rights to be won, and they must be won and used for the progress of all people. For space science, like nuclear science and all technology, has no conscience of its own. Whether it will become a force for good or ill depends on man, and only if the United States occupies a position of pre-eminence can we help decide whether this new ocean will be a sea of peace or a new terrifying theater of war. I do not say the we should or will go unprotected against the hostile misuse of space any more than we go unprotected against the hostile use of land or sea, but I do say that space can be explored and mastered without feeding the fires of war, without repeating the mistakes that man has made in extending his writ around this globe of ours.
There is no strife, no prejudice, no national conflict in outer space as yet. Its hazards are hostile to us all. Its conquest deserves the best of all mankind, and its opportunity for peaceful cooperation many never come again. But why, some say, the moon? Why choose this as our goal? And they may well ask why climb the highest mountain? Why, 35 years ago, fly the Atlantic? Why does Rice play Texas?
We choose to go to the moon. We choose to go to the moon in this decade and do the other things, not because they are easy, but because they are hard, because that goal will serve to organize and measure the best of our energies and skills, because that challenge is one that we are willing to accept, one we are unwilling to postpone, and one which we intend to win, and the others, too.
It is for these reasons that I regard the decision last year to shift our efforts in space from low to high gear as among the most important decisions that will be made during my incumbency in the office of the Presidency.
Click to subscribe! http://bit.ly/subAIRBOYD
"THE LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHN F. KENNEDY" (1964)
公開日: 2013/08/31
This 1964 documentary, narrated by Cliff Robertson, paints an intimate portrait of President Kennedy during his all-too-brief 46-year life.
What makes this program a little more special than other similar documentaries (IMO) is the fact that it was made very shortly after JFK's death, which occurred in November 1963. The very good music score by David Rose is also an asset.
Author Jim Bishop, who wrote two books about JFK, makes an appearance near the end of this film to talk about some of his personal experiences with President Kennedy. Bishop's commentary provides a touching climax to this very good documentary.
The original title of this film is simply "JOHN FITZGERALD KENNEDY".
©1964 Art Lieberman Productions
©1982 Official Films, Inc.
http://Kennedy-Videos.blogspot.com
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President John F. Kennedy, Inaugural Address, 20 January 1961
公開日: 2013/11/24
In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. I do not shrink from this responsibility -- I welcome it. I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation. The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it. And the glow from that fire can truly light the world.
And so, my fellow Americans, ask not what your country can do for you; ask what you can do for your country.
And so, my fellow Americans, ask not what your country can do for you; ask what you can do for your country.
March 8, 1961 - President John F. Kennedy's Remarks of Welcome
公開日: 2013/08/06
President John F. Kennedy's Remarks of Welcome to President Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana at the Washington National Airport.
''I want to take this opportunity to welcome again to the United States, which he knows so well, the first citizen of Ghana, President Nkrumah.
Yesterday, in his speech at the United Nations, he quoted a common hero, I believe, Thomas Jefferson. Thomas Jefferson also once said, "The disease of liberty is catching."
It has been the object of our guest's life to make sure that that disease of liberty spreads around the globe. He has fought for it in his own country. He fights for it in Africa--he fights for it in the world.
We share the same basic aspiration for the United States as he works for his own country. We share the same basic aspiration for Africa that he wishes for--and for the world.
It is therefore a great honor and a great pleasure for me, as President of the United States, to welcome a distinguished citizen of a friendly country, and also a distinguished citizen of the world, the President of Ghana, President Nkrumah.''
The President greeted President Nkrumah at the Washington National Airport. President Nkrumah responded as follows:
''Mr. President:
As this is our first meeting since your assumption of responsibility as President of the United States, may I be permitted to offer you my personal and hearty congratulations and those of the Government and people of Ghana. We all look forward to a period of continued cooperation and understanding between our two countries.
I hope that our meeting today will strengthen our relations and contribute towards the establishment of lasting peace and stability in Africa and in the world.
These are troublous times. They are also times of opportunity for action. Let us, therefore, emphasize and consolidate the very many things that unite us, and from that starting point tackle the problems which confront us in our time. I am sure, Mr. President, that success will crown our efforts.
I thank you and the people of the United States for the warm welcome that has been accorded to me.''
''I want to take this opportunity to welcome again to the United States, which he knows so well, the first citizen of Ghana, President Nkrumah.
Yesterday, in his speech at the United Nations, he quoted a common hero, I believe, Thomas Jefferson. Thomas Jefferson also once said, "The disease of liberty is catching."
It has been the object of our guest's life to make sure that that disease of liberty spreads around the globe. He has fought for it in his own country. He fights for it in Africa--he fights for it in the world.
We share the same basic aspiration for the United States as he works for his own country. We share the same basic aspiration for Africa that he wishes for--and for the world.
It is therefore a great honor and a great pleasure for me, as President of the United States, to welcome a distinguished citizen of a friendly country, and also a distinguished citizen of the world, the President of Ghana, President Nkrumah.''
The President greeted President Nkrumah at the Washington National Airport. President Nkrumah responded as follows:
''Mr. President:
As this is our first meeting since your assumption of responsibility as President of the United States, may I be permitted to offer you my personal and hearty congratulations and those of the Government and people of Ghana. We all look forward to a period of continued cooperation and understanding between our two countries.
I hope that our meeting today will strengthen our relations and contribute towards the establishment of lasting peace and stability in Africa and in the world.
These are troublous times. They are also times of opportunity for action. Let us, therefore, emphasize and consolidate the very many things that unite us, and from that starting point tackle the problems which confront us in our time. I am sure, Mr. President, that success will crown our efforts.
I thank you and the people of the United States for the warm welcome that has been accorded to me.''
===========================================================
President John F Kennedy and the African leaders
アップロード日: 2009/03/15
African leaders visit the White House.
President Kwame Nkrummah of Ghana.
President Habib Bourguiba of Tunesia.
President Felix Houphouet-Boigny of the Ivory Coast.
King Hassan II of Morocco.
Emperor Haile Selassie of Ethiopia.
President Kwame Nkrummah of Ghana.
President Habib Bourguiba of Tunesia.
President Felix Houphouet-Boigny of the Ivory Coast.
King Hassan II of Morocco.
Emperor Haile Selassie of Ethiopia.
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クワメ・エンクルマ
http://ja.wikipedia.org/wiki/%E3%82%AF%E3%83%AF%E3%83%A1%E3%83%BB%E3%82%A8%E3%83%B3%E3%82%AF%E3%83%AB%E3%83%9E
以下抜粋：
クワメ・エンクルマ（Kwame Nkrumah、本名：Francis Nwia Kofia Nkrumah、1909年9月21日 - 1972年4月27日）は、政治家。ガーナ初代大統領。ガーナの独立運動を指揮し、アフリカの独立運動の父といわれる。マルクス主義者。日本語では姓がンクルマと表記される場合もある。エンクルマは語頭で「ン」を発音することができない英語での読み方。
前半生
エンクルマは1909年9月21日、イギリス領の植民地ゴールド・コーストの西部海岸にあるンクロフルにて[1]、アカン人のサブグループであるンズイマ人（ンゼマ人）の鍛冶屋の家に生まれる。ガーナ南部のアカン人のあいだでは生まれた曜日と性別によって自動的に名前が決まるため、土曜日に生まれた男児である彼にはクワメの名がつけられた[2]。1927年に首都アクラのアチモタ・スクールに入学し、1930年に卒業後[3]、エルミナのローマ・カトリックの小神学校の教師となり、1年後にはアクシムのカトリックの学校で教鞭をとり、さらに2年後には近郊のアミサノで神学校教師となった[4]。幼少より成績優秀だったため、1935年、親族に借金してセコンディ・タコラディ港からアメリカ合衆国に渡り、リンカーン大学に入学した。
1935年、イタリアのエチオピア侵攻を聞いて激怒し、植民地制度の打倒を志す。奨学金を取りながら苦学し、1942年、ペンシルベニア大学大学院にて教育学の修士号を、翌年には哲学の修士号を取得[5]。この間、アメリカやカナダに滞在するアフリカ人留学生の組織化につとめた。このころ、マーカス・ガーベイやC・L・R・ジェームズ、W・E・B・デュボイスの思想に影響を受け、パン・アフリカ主義の立場をとるようになった。1945年5月にはイギリスに渡り、ロンドンで西アフリカ学生同盟の副会長に就任[6]して、宗主国で優遇されるアフリカ出身のエリートの説得に奔走した。同年、マンチェスターで開かれた第五回パン・アフリカ会議ではのちに盟友となるジョージ・パドモアと共に書記を務めた。この会議にはエンクルマのほか、ケニアのジョモ・ケニヤッタ、マラウイのヘイスティングズ・カムズ・バンダ、ナイジェリアのオバフェミ・アウォロウォなどアフリカ大陸の独立指導者が多く参加し、これまでの欧米在住の黒人にかわってアフリカ大陸出身者がパンアフリカニズムの中心となるきっかけとなった。また、この時に国際会議事務局が設置され、エンクルマとパドモアが書記に、ケニヤッタが書記補に就任した[7]。 第二次世界大戦後、エンクルマの故国である英領ゴールドコーストでは自治権要求運動がさかんになった。そんな中、1947年に植民地エリートや伝統首長を中心に連合ゴールドコースト会議が結成されると、結成メンバーの一人でアメリカ時代のエンクルマの同志であった弁護士アコ=アジェイがエンクルマを招請し、同年12月エンクルマは帰国し、連合ゴールドコースト会議の事務局長に就任した。
1948年1月、おりからの物価高騰などにより不満を爆発させた市民が首都アクラでヨーロッパ商品の不買運動を始め、2月には暴動に発展した。この暴動は連合ゴールドコースト会議が起こしたものではなかったが、植民地当局は同党が煽動をおこなったとして、党の首脳部6人（エンクルマ、エマニュエル・オベツェビ＝ランプティ、J.B.ダンカ、エドワード・アクフォ＝アド、ウィリアム・オフォリ＝アタ、エベネゼル・アコ=アジェイ）の6人を逮捕した。しかしこれにより同党の人気はさらに高まった。
これに驚いた宗主国イギリスは調査団をゴールドコーストに派遣し、調査団は自治の拡大とアフリカ人主体の立法評議会の設置を提言した。この提言に対しもともと富裕層中心で穏健だった連合ゴールドコースト会議は賛成したが、エンクルマは即時自治の要求を掲げて党首脳部と対立し、1949年にはエンクルマは脱党して新党である会議人民党を結成し、ストライキやボイコットといった強硬な政策を中心とした「ポジティブ・アクション」を打ち出した。これにより会議人民党は下層住民の支持を受け、党勢は急速に拡大。1950年1月には即時自治を求めてデモを行い、デモ隊と警官隊が衝突した。この責任を問われ逮捕されるが、調査団の提言を元に制定された1951年憲法のもとでおこなわれた1951年2月の選挙で改選38議席中34議席を占める大勝利で会議人民党は第一党となり、獄中から立候補していたエンクルマも当選し、釈放された。会議人民党が議会の多数を占めたため、チャールズ・アーデン・クラーク総督はエンクルマに組閣を命じ、エンクルマは政府事務主席の座に就いた。
政府事務主席の座に就くと、エンクルマは交渉による平和的な方法でのイギリスからの独立に方針を転換した。1952年には政府事務主席を首相と改称し、初代英領ゴールド・コースト首相となる。1954年には新憲法を制定して国内の自治をイギリスに認めさせ、同年新憲法下でおこなわれた選挙においても会議人民党は104議席中72議席を獲得して圧勝。独立はこれによりほぼ規定路線となった。
しかし、中央集権的な政権を目指すエンクルマに対し、旧来の大王国を持ち経済的にもゴールドコーストで最も豊かなアシャンティ地方が反発。暴動が勃発し、英国政府は独立の前に総選挙をおこなって民意を確定することを求めた。1956年に行われた選挙で、ダンカやコフィ・ブシアが率いる旧アシャンティ王国を地盤とする国民解放運動はアシャンティ以外で議席を伸ばせず、会議人民党政権は信任を受けた形となった。同年、国連信託統治領トーゴランドの帰属を確認する住民投票が行われ、北部ではゴールドコーストへの統合、エウェ人の多い南部ではフランス領トーゴとの統合を求める票が多かったが、全体としてはゴールドコーストとの統合票が過半数となり、国連信託統治領トーゴランドは英領ゴールドコーストへと統合された[8]。
そして、1957年にゴールドコーストは英領トーゴランドと共にイギリスより英連邦王国内の立憲君主国として独立、国号を西アフリカ最初の大王国であったガーナ王国にちなんでガーナと名づけ、エンクルマは初代ガーナ共和国首相に就任した。
独立運動
第二次世界大戦後、エンクルマの故国である英領ゴールドコーストでは自治権要求運動がさかんになった。そんな中、1947年に植民地エリートや伝統首長を中心に連合ゴールドコースト会議が結成されると、結成メンバーの一人でアメリカ時代のエンクルマの同志であった弁護士アコ=アジェイがエンクルマを招請し、同年12月エンクルマは帰国し、連合ゴールドコースト会議の事務局長に就任した。
1948年1月、おりからの物価高騰などにより不満を爆発させた市民が首都アクラでヨーロッパ商品の不買運動を始め、2月には暴動に発展した。この暴動は連合ゴールドコースト会議が起こしたものではなかったが、植民地当局は同党が煽動をおこなったとして、党の首脳部6人（エンクルマ、エマニュエル・オベツェビ＝ランプティ、J.B.ダンカ、エドワード・アクフォ＝アド、ウィリアム・オフォリ＝アタ、エベネゼル・アコ=アジェイ）の6人を逮捕した。しかしこれにより同党の人気はさらに高まった。
これに驚いた宗主国イギリスは調査団をゴールドコーストに派遣し、調査団は自治の拡大とアフリカ人主体の立法評議会の設置を提言した。この提言に対しもともと富裕層中心で穏健だった連合ゴールドコースト会議は賛成したが、エンクルマは即時自治の要求を掲げて党首脳部と対立し、1949年にはエンクルマは脱党して新党である会議人民党を結成し、ストライキやボイコットといった強硬な政策を中心とした「ポジティブ・アクション」を打ち出した。これにより会議人民党は下層住民の支持を受け、党勢は急速に拡大。1950年1月には即時自治を求めてデモを行い、デモ隊と警官隊が衝突した。この責任を問われ逮捕されるが、調査団の提言を元に制定された1951年憲法のもとでおこなわれた1951年2月の選挙で改選38議席中34議席を占める大勝利で会議人民党は第一党となり、獄中から立候補していたエンクルマも当選し、釈放された。会議人民党が議会の多数を占めたため、チャールズ・アーデン・クラーク総督はエンクルマに組閣を命じ、エンクルマは政府事務主席の座に就いた。
政府事務主席の座に就くと、エンクルマは交渉による平和的な方法でのイギリスからの独立に方針を転換した。1952年には政府事務主席を首相と改称し、初代英領ゴールド・コースト首相となる。1954年には新憲法を制定して国内の自治をイギリスに認めさせ、同年新憲法下でおこなわれた選挙においても会議人民党は104議席中72議席を獲得して圧勝。独立はこれによりほぼ規定路線となった。
しかし、中央集権的な政権を目指すエンクルマに対し、旧来の大王国を持ち経済的にもゴールドコーストで最も豊かなアシャンティ地方が反発。暴動が勃発し、英国政府は独立の前に総選挙をおこなって民意を確定することを求めた。1956年に行われた選挙で、ダンカやコフィ・ブシアが率いる旧アシャンティ王国を地盤とする国民解放運動はアシャンティ以外で議席を伸ばせず、会議人民党政権は信任を受けた形となった。同年、国連信託統治領トーゴランドの帰属を確認する住民投票が行われ、北部ではゴールドコーストへの統合、エウェ人の多い南部ではフランス領トーゴとの統合を求める票が多かったが、全体としてはゴールドコーストとの統合票が過半数となり、国連信託統治領トーゴランドは英領ゴールドコーストへと統合された[8]。
そして、1957年にゴールドコーストは英領トーゴランドと共にイギリスより英連邦王国内の立憲君主国として独立、国号を西アフリカ最初の大王国であったガーナ王国にちなんでガーナと名づけ、エンクルマは初代ガーナ共和国首相に就任した。
独立後
外交
エンクルマは政権の座に就くと、何よりもまずパン・アフリカ主義のもとアフリカ諸国の独立支援と国家間の連帯に力を入れた。まず同志であるパドモアをガーナへと招聘し、外交政策におけるブレーンとした。パドモアは1959年に死去するまでガーナにとどまった。1958年4月にはアパルトヘイト体制下にあった白人国家南アフリカ連邦を除く当時のアフリカの全独立国家8カ国（エジプト、リビア、チュニジア、モロッコ、スーダン、エチオピア、リベリア、ガーナ）の首脳をアクラに招き、アフリカ独立諸国会議（CIAS)を開催した[9]。1958年10月にギニアがフランスと対立して独立した際には借款を与えて支援を行った[10]。同じくパン・アフリカ主義を唱えるギニアの指導者セク・トゥーレとは協力関係を深め、11月にアフリカ合衆連合、（1958年–1962年）を結成して統合の度を深めた。さらに1958年12月、未独立地域も含めたアフリカ各地の指導者を首都アクラに集め、パドモアと共に全アフリカ人民会議（AAPC)を開催し[11]、パトリス・ルムンバらに大きな影響を与えた。またアフリカを統一国家とするアフリカ合衆国の構想も謳われた。しかし、1960年1月チュニジアで開かれた第二回会議では、独立要求こそ謳われたが、アフリカ統一に関する議論はほとんど行なわれなかった。
1960年のアフリカの年を皮切りに、アフリカには多くの新独立国が誕生したが、アフリカ統一をめぐって大きく2つのグループに分かれるようになった。ガーナやギニア、マリ、モロッコといったアフリカ統一と社会主義を基本とするグループは、1961年1月に独立戦争中のアルジェリアを含めカサブランカ-アフリカ憲章を採択し、カサブランカ・グループを形成。緩やかな統合と欧米との友好を基本とする、リベリアや、コートジボワールをはじめとする旧フランス植民地のほとんど、ナイジェリアといったモンロビア・グループと対立した。マリ連邦崩壊後、やはりパンアフリカニストのモディボ・ケイタ率いるマリ共和国と、ガーナ・ギニアは関係を深め、1961年4月にはアフリカ合衆連合にマリが加盟する。しかし新独立国家群の大半は欧米との友好関係を重視するモンロビア・グループに属した。1961年のコンゴ動乱では、パトリス・ルムンバを支援するカサブランカ・グループと欧米よりの姿勢をとるモンロビア・グループの間で対立が激化した。しかしやがてエチオピアのハイレ・セラシエ1世の介入で和解、1963年にはアジスアベバで折衝案を盛り込んだアフリカ統一機構（OAU）が設立された[12]。政治的統一は排除されたが、アフリカ諸国の相互援助は謳われた。
1961年にはW・E・B・デュボイスをガーナに招き、エンサイクロペディア・アフリカーナの編纂を依頼した[13]。デュボイスはガーナへと帰化し、1963年に亡くなるまでガーナに住んだ。また、非同盟主義をかかげるインドのジャワハルラール・ネルーやユーゴスラビアのチトーとも協力関係をとり、1961年9月にベオグラードで開かれた第一回非同盟諸国首脳会議にも参加して非同盟主義の主唱者のひとりとなった。1962年には、共産主義者としてソヴィエト連邦よりレーニン平和賞が贈られている。1965年10月21日にはアフリカ統一機構の第3代議長に就任したが、クーデター（後述）によって1966年2月24日にその職を離れた。
このようにエンクルマは植民地支配を受ける地域や独立間もない国家への支援を積極的に行ったが、これは内政の停滞を招き、結果的にゴールドコースト時代、アフリカで最も先進的だったガーナの財政を傾ける原因の一つとなった。
内政
内政においては中央集権を進め、各地の伝統首長や地方勢力と対立した。地方勢力や伝統首長層を制肘するため、1957年に独立するとすぐに差別廃止法が制定され、人種、出身、宗教を基盤とする政党は結成を禁止された[14]。これは、エンクルマの与党である会議人民党が全国的な組織を持つのに対し、主要野党である国民解放運動は旧アシャンティ王国を基盤とし、トーゴランド会議が旧トーゴランド国連信託統治領のエウェ人を、北部人民党が北部の首長層を、ムスリム協会党がイスラム教徒を基盤としたため、与党にとって有利な法律であった。また、伝統首長に就任するには会議人民党の承認が必要になり、さらに伝統首長のポストはこの時代に大増設され、会議人民党に従順なもののみが就任を許された。これによりかつてゴールドコースト政界の主導権を握っていた伝統首長層の政治力は大幅に削減された。さらにカカオの栽培と金の産出によって国内で最も富み、王国の歴史があって独立心が強く、反エンクルマの傾向の強い有力州アシャンティ州については、アシャンティ人に従属していた州北部のブロン人とアハホ人を説得し、1958年にブロング＝アハフォ州として独立させることで州の力を削いだ[15]。
これに対し、野党は団結して統一党を結成し、ダンカとブシアを指導者としてエンクルマに対抗したが、エンクルマは1958年に予防拘禁法を国会で通過させた。これは裁判無しでの投獄を可能とするもので、これによって統一党の主導者層は軒並み逮捕され、のちにダンカは獄死、ブシアはイギリスへの亡命を余儀なくされた。これによって対抗者を権力で抑圧し、エンクルマ政権は独裁化の道を歩み始める。1960年7月には共和制を採用し、エンクルマは初代大統領に就任した。こののちも独裁化は止まらず、1961年には物価の高騰や賃金への不満によってデモを起こした工場労働者たちを逮捕し、デモを禁止してしまった。政権を取るまではデモ戦術を多用し利用したエンクルマが、政権を奪取した後に一転してそれを弾圧したことは、支持者の間に深刻な不満を募らせることとなった[16]。1962年の8月と9月にはエンクルマの暗殺未遂が起こっている。これによって不安を感じたエンクルマは、軍とは別個の組織として大統領警護隊を組織したが、これは第2の軍の成立に不満を持った正規軍との間に不和を生じさせる原因となった[17]。このころには大統領官邸は鉄条網に囲まれた上に厳重な警戒にもとに置かれるようになっていた[18]。さらにエンクルマは個人崇拝を強制するようになり、また暗殺を恐れて会議などでは必ず壁を背にして座るようになった[19]。1964年1月にはついに野党を禁止し、ガーナは一党独裁制国家となった。
経済
エンクルマは独立と同時に、後にアフリカ系初のノーベル経済学賞受賞者となるアーサー・ルイスを招聘し経済顧問とした。しかし、独立小農の育成支援による農業革命を目指すルイスと都市と工業化を重視するエンクルマとは意見が合わず、翌1958年にはルイスはガーナを去り[20]、以後経済政策においてエンクルマを制肘できる者はいなくなった。
エンクルマ政権の経済政策は、巨大プロジェクトの推進や機械化された大規模集団農場の設立、政府系企業の設立などを中心とした国家主導型の開発政策をとった。ヴォルタ川に巨大なアコソンボダムで世界最大の人造湖ヴォルタ湖をつくり、その電力によってテマに建設されたアルミニウム精錬工場などのコンビナートを稼動させ外貨を得るという計画は、1962年1月に着工し、1966年に建設及び稼動には成功したものの予想を下回る成果しか得られなかったが、この計画はエンクルマ政権のプロジェクトの中で最も成功した部類に入る。工業化を目指して設立された政府系企業は機能せず、会議人民党に近い人々が利権を貪る場となった。これは、ガーナには自立した独立小農は多かったものの、企業家層および技術者が絶対的に不足しており、工業化を推進する条件が整っていなかったことによる。集団農場政策も失敗に終わった。カカオはもともと小規模農家でも充分に採算が取れる作物であり、集団化させる必然性に乏しい。そのうえ国営農場は非常に非効率であり、機械化に要した費用も経済の重荷となった。
一方、独立前のゴールドコースト経済を支えていた独立小農に対しては、ほとんど支援を与えず、逆に彼らの犠牲の元で経済成長を進める方針を採った。この方針を可能にしたのが、1947年に設立されたカカオ・マーケティング・ボード（カカオ流通公社）である。この機構はゴールドコーストで生産されたカカオをすべて買い取り輸出するために設けられたものであり、本来はそれによってカカオの価格変動を抑え安定した収入をカカオ農家にもたらすためのものであった。しかし、エンクルマは政権の座に就くとこのカカオ買取価格を低く抑え、差額を国家の収入として積極的に活用し始めた[21]。すでに独立以前、1954年にはカカオの生産者価格を凍結する法案を植民地議会に提出し、可決させている。これはカカオの主要生産者であったアシャンティ人の態度を硬化させることにもつながり、1956年の選挙において価格引き上げがブシアやダンカの選挙スローガンともなったが、他地方の票によってこの主張は敗れ去ってしまった[22]。このことは、ガーナ経済の最大の強みであった意欲ある独立小農の意欲を大幅に減退させた。集団農場の失敗と独立小農の失望によりカカオの生産高は減少し、それとともにガーナ経済も衰退していった。外貨準備は1957年に2億イギリス・ポンドあり、負債は2000万ポンドに過ぎなかったが、1965年には外貨準備は0に、負債は4億イギリス・ポンドに達した[23]。この経済混乱はエンクルマ失脚後にも尾を引き、1960年から1979年までのガーナ経済の年平均経済成長率は-0.8%となり、独立直後と比べて大幅に経済が縮小した。[24]
こうした動きによって欧米諸国のガーナへの援助が滞るようになると、エンクルマはもともとのアフリカ社会主義思想をさらに急進化させ、ソヴィエト連邦や中華人民共和国といった社会主義国に接近するようになった。しかしこの動きはアメリカやヨーロッパ諸国をさらに硬化させることにつながった。
その他
軍事においては、ゴールドコースト植民地軍であった王立西アフリカ前線軍を引き継いでガーナ軍を設立し、1958年に国家安全保障委員会を設立して軍を積極的に拡張した。軍内においてはほかの公務員と同じく急速なアフリカ人化を進め、独立前の1956年には将校団212名中イギリス人が184名、ガーナ人が28名であったのが、1961年にはすべてのイギリス人将校が解雇され、将校団はすべてガーナ人に置き換えられた。エンクルマ政権の独裁化にともない軍は大きな力を持つようになったが、上記のように暗殺未遂が多発する中でエンクルマは大統領警護隊の設置と拡張に踏み切るとともに軍内の粛清を始めたため、軍内の反エンクルマ勢力が急速に力をつけ、1966年のクーデターにつながることとなった[25]。
教育においては、クマシにおかれていたクマシ工科カレッジを改組し、1961年8月22日にクマシにてクワメ・エンクルマ科学技術大学を開校した。
通貨においては、独立以前の西アフリカ・ポンドを1958年に独自通貨であるガーナ・ポンドへと変更した。その後、1965年には十進法化を目的として再び通貨改革を行い、新通貨セディが導入された。
失脚と死
1966年2月24日、北京とハノイへ外遊中に、CIAに支援[26][27][28]されたエマヌエル・コトカ大佐とアクワシ・アフリファ少佐による軍事クーデターが起こり、エンクルマは失脚し、政治的に近かったセク・トゥーレ率いるギニアへの亡命を余儀なくされた。ギニアでは賓客として遇され、回顧録の執筆や薔薇の栽培などをして過ごした。そして亡命から6年後の1972年4月27日、療養のため訪れたルーマニアのブカレストで癌により病死した。[29]遺体は出生地であるンクロフルに埋葬するためガーナへと送り返され、当時の国家元首であるイグナティウス・アチャンポンほか2万人が葬儀に参列した。[30]
死後
エンクルマ失脚後、1969年には選挙と民政移管が行われ、エンクルマの政敵であったコフィ・ブシアが大統領となったが、このときの選挙ではエンクルマの与党であった会議人民党の要職にいたものは選挙資格を剥奪されていた。1972年にはブシア政権も倒れ、軍事政権が幾度か交代した後、1979年にジェリー・ローリングスのクーデターによって再び民政移管が行われ、エンクルマ派の人民国家党のヒラ・リマンが大統領となったが、失政を重ねて1981年にローリングスが再びクーデターを起こして軍事政権となった。ローリングス時代にエンクルマ派は分裂を重ねて弱体化し、再び民主化された1996年の選挙においては全派あわせて6議席しかとれず、新愛国党と国民民主会議の二大政党制が定着する中でエンクルマ派は埋没していった。
21世紀に入った現在、ガーナ国内におけるエンクルマの評価は2つに分かれている。ガーナ独立の英雄として、建国の父として若い世代中心に人気が高い一方、エンクルマ時代を経験した世代には経済の混乱や独裁政治によってあまりいいイメージをもっていないものも多い。
エンクルマの墓は出生地である沿岸部のンクロフル村にあるが、遺骨は首都アクラへと移され、アクラ中心部に巨大なクワメ・エンクルマ廟が建設されてそこに安置されている。
ガーナの独自通貨として1965年にセディが導入された時には、すべての硬貨と最高額の1000セディ札を除くすべての紙幣にエンクルマの肖像が使用されていたが、1967年に発行された紙幣では失脚に伴いすべてデザインから排除された。その後、1998年に10000セディ札が発行されると、ガーナ独立の6偉人（ビッグ・シックス。エンクルマ、エマニュエル・オベツェビ＝ランプティ、J.B.ダンカ、エドワード・アクフォ＝アド、ウィリアム・オフォリ＝アタ、エベネゼル・アコ=アジェイ）の一人として、集合像の中で復活した。2007年にセディのデノミが行われると、すべての紙幣（1,5,10,20,50）セディ紙幣に6偉人像が使用された。さらに2010年、新しく発行された2セディ紙幣には単独の肖像が使用されることとなった。
最終更新 2014年1月28日 (火)
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